Anti-Intellectualism and Political Ideology in a Sample of Undergraduate and Graduate Students

2007 ◽  
Vol 101 (3_suppl) ◽  
pp. 1050-1056 ◽  
Author(s):  
Antonio Laverghetta ◽  
Juliana Stewart ◽  
Lawrence Weinstein

To estimate correlations for scores on a student anti-intellectualism scale with scores on a measure of political conservatism, 235 students were given a survey containing a student anti-intellectualism scale, a political conservatism scale, and a demographics questionnaire identifying the participants' sex, college classification, ethnicity, political party affiliation, and self-described political ideology. The political conservatism scale contained two factors, Religiosity and Economic Conservatism, both of which were scored separately in addition to an overall Conservatism score. Students' Anti-intellectualism scores were correlated with Political Conservatism scores ( r = .37, p<.01), with Religiosity scores ( r = .42, p<.01), and with Economic Conservatism scores ( r = .17, p<.05). An analysis of variance indicated a significant difference in students' Anti-intellectualism scores based on college classification ( F4,233 = 2.27, p<.04). Specifically, freshman had significantly higher scores than graduate students.

Social Forces ◽  
1968 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 145 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. Stanley Eitzen ◽  
Gary M. Maranell

2019 ◽  
pp. 179-211
Author(s):  
Todd A. Eisenstadt ◽  
Karleen Jones West

Chapter 6 focuses on polycentric pluralism, mostly at the international and national levels, sidelining vulnerability as a principal cause of environmental attitudes. After briefly introducing rationales behind the interaction between international and domestic policy positions, we show that while there is consensus among Ecuadorians that foreign extractive interests are threats to the Amazon, Ecuadorians are divided along party lines regarding the government’s pursuit of extraction, illustrating the political—rather than cultural—nature of the extractive debate in Ecuador. The upshot is that the Correa administration tried but failed to maintain both its international and domestic images as an environmental force, funding discretionary programs (including “green” ones) through oil drilling. Furthermore, consistent with our argument that polycentric pluralism has been the form that interest articulation takes, variations in approval of policies are more readily explained by cleavages defined by vulnerability and political party affiliation rather than by ethnic identity.


2016 ◽  
Vol 62 (4) ◽  
pp. 797-818 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Balliet ◽  
Joshua M. Tybur ◽  
Junhui Wu ◽  
Christian Antonellis ◽  
Paul A. M. Van Lange

Theories suggest that political ideology relates to cooperation, with conservatives being more likely to pursue selfish outcomes, and liberals more likely to pursue egalitarian outcomes. In study 1, we examine how political ideology and political party affiliation (Republican vs. Democrat) predict cooperation with a partner who self-identifies as Republican or Democrat in two samples before ( n = 362) and after ( n = 366) the 2012 US presidential election. Liberals show slightly more concern for their partners’ outcomes compared to conservatives (study 1), and in study 2 this relation is supported by a meta-analysis ( r = .15). However, in study 1, political ideology did not relate to cooperation in general. Both Republicans and Democrats extend more cooperation to their in-group relative to the out-group, and this is explained by expectations of cooperation from in-group versus out-group members. We discuss the relation between political ideology and cooperation within and between groups.


1963 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 650-665
Author(s):  
H. A. Turner ◽  
C. G. McClintock ◽  
C. B. Spaulding

2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 147470491876417 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph Billingsley ◽  
Debra Lieberman ◽  
Joshua M. Tybur

Why is disgust sensitivity associated with socially conservative political views? Is it because socially conservative ideologies mitigate the risks of infectious disease, whether by promoting out-group avoidance or by reinforcing norms that sustain antipathogenic practices? Or might it be because socially conservative ideologies promote moral standards that advance a long-term, as opposed to a short-term, sexual strategy? Recent attempts to test these two explanations have yielded differing results and conflicting interpretations. Here, we contribute to the literature by examining the relationship between disgust sensitivity and political orientation, political party affiliation, and an often overlooked outcome—actual voter behavior. We focus on voter behavior and affiliation for the 2016 U.S. presidential election to determine whether pathogen or sexual disgust better predicts socially conservative ideology. Although many prominent aspects of Donald Trump’s campaign—particularly his anti-foreign message—align with the pathogen-avoidance model of conservatism, we found that pathogen-related disgust sensitivity exerted no influence on political ideology, political party affiliation, or voter behavior, after controlling for sexual disgust sensitivity. In contrast, sexual disgust sensitivity was associated with increased odds of voting for Donald Trump versus each other major presidential candidate, as well as with increased odds of affiliating with the Republican versus the Democratic or Libertarian parties. In fact, for every unit increase in sexual disgust sensitivity, the odds of a participant voting for Trump versus Clinton increased by approximately 30%. It seems, then, that sexual disgust trumps pathogen disgust in predicting socially conservative voting behavior.


Social Forces ◽  
1968 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 145-153 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. S. Eitzen ◽  
G. M. Maranell

2013 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 113
Author(s):  
Angeline Lavin ◽  
David Moen ◽  
Thomas Davies

Individuals who are affiliated with different political parties and who subscribe to different ideological philosophies also tend to have different views on many issues. This paper explores taxpayer perceptions of the federal individual income tax, which can be traced back to 1913 in its present form, based upon their political party affiliation as well as their ideological philosophy. The analysis revealed that the responses to the federal individual income tax statements included in this survey were not independent of political party or ideological philosophy. These results suggest that the political and ideological makeup of Congress and the President are likely to have an impact on future decisions with respect to possible modifications to the federal individual income tax. The question remains whether these differences may be set aside in a consolidated effort to find long range solutions to our countrys fiscal challenges.


2015 ◽  
Vol 41 (10) ◽  
pp. 1032-1045
Author(s):  
Scott Beyer ◽  
Luis Garcia-Feijoo ◽  
Gerry Jensen ◽  
Robert R. Johnson

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to analyze security-market returns relative to the political party of the president, the Federal Reserve’s monetary policy, the year of the president’s term, and the state of political gridlock. Contrary to prior studies, which evaluated the influences separately, the authors jointly evaluate these variables. Design/methodology/approach – The analysis supports the notion that security returns are significantly related to shifts in Fed monetary policy, political gridlock, and the year of the presidential term; however, returns are generally invariant to the president’s political party affiliation. Overall, the findings suggest that investors should focus less attention on the party of the president and instead more closely monitor Fed actions. Findings – It appears that political harmony should be welcomed by equity investors, but not debt investors. Finally, regardless of the political outcome, if the past serves as a guide, investors may have to wait until year three of the next presidential term to enjoy the fruits of the current political season. Originality/value – The academic literature is rich with studies that consider the aforementioned political effects and the influence that monetary policy have on the markets. To date, however, these factors have not been jointly considered when examining returns. This paper considers several dimensions of the political landscape – the party of the president, the presence or absence of political gridlock, and the presidential term cycle effect – in conjunction with Fed monetary policy in examining long-term security returns. By examining the relationship between security returns and both political and monetary conditions, the authors provide robust evidence regarding the relationships.


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