Administrative Measures Against Far-Right Protesters: An Example of Japan’s Social Control

Author(s):  
Ayaka LÖSCHKE

Abstract Japan’s pre-emptive approach to far-right demonstrations has had a significant impact. Far-right street protests accompanied by hate speech have been rapidly decreasing, although Japan has not introduced penalties. Why did the Japanese approach have such an effect? While the regulation of hate speech in Japan has been discussed mainly in legal studies, Japan’s use of administrative measures against hate speech has not been emphasized. Focusing on the implementation of the 2016 Hate Speech Law, this article examines administrative measures against far-right protestors as an example of Japan’s ‘soft’ approach to social control: not directly banning but discouraging social activities that are deemed harmful to social harmony. These measures have a pre-emptive character and are implemented based on a prior consensus between local officials and far-right activists about appropriate ways to use public spaces and possible expressions. This article also shows that Japan’s treatment of both far-right protesters and counterdemonstrators is guided by the harmony-related concept of kenka ryōseibai, which imposes punishment on both parties in a private quarrel, whether right or wrong. Japan’s approach to far-right protests thereby differs from the conventional American and European approaches in terms of both forms of regulation and central values.

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Manoel Horta Ribeiro ◽  
Virgílio A. F. Almeida ◽  
Wagner Meira Jr

The popularization of Online Social Networks has changed the dynamics of content creation and consumption. In this setting, society has witnessed an amplification in phenomena such as misinformation and hate speech. This dissertation studies these issues through the lens of users. In three case studies in social networks, we: (i) provide insight on how the perception of what is misinformation is altered by political opinion; (ii) propose a methodology to study hate speech on a user-level, showing that the network structure of users can improve the detection of the phenomenon; (iii) characterize user radicalization in far-right channels on YouTube through time, showing a growing migration towards the consumption of extreme content in the platform.


Author(s):  
Marjorie Mayo

The rise of Far Right populism poses major challenges for communities, exacerbating divisions, hate speech and hate crime. This book shows how communities and social justice movements can effectively tackle these issues, working together to mitigate their underlying causes and more immediate manifestations. Showing that community-based learning is integral to the development of strategies to promote more hopeful rather than more hateful futures, Mayo demonstrates how, through popular education and participatory action research, communities can develop their own understandings of their problems. Using case studies that illustrate education approaches in practice, she shows how communities can engineer democratic forms of social change.


Author(s):  
Stefan Mertens

On July 22, 2011 Anders Breivik murdered a large amount of people in Norway. In this study we investigate a sample of articles that were published about Breivik and his deeds in the Flemish and Dutch press. We will investigate these articles looking for the so-called “attribution of responsibility frame.” The murders from Breivik could be explained psychologically (“he is insane”) as well as sociologically (far-right political parties are responsible because of having spread hate speech). We present a typology of subtypes of frames. We will furthermore investigate how many times these types of frames occur in different media outlets.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 ◽  
pp. 8-26
Author(s):  
Maryja Šupa

This article presents the specific rhetoric of social control present in the sections of national and municipal legislation pertaining to conduct in public spaces of Vilnius, Lithuania.Theoretically, the paper utilises M. Foucault’s framework of power modalities both because of Foucault’s engaged questioning of power and the applicability of his insights to the spatial dimensions of the city. The paper bases its interpretive scheme on two premises: a) that law reveals biopolitical and disciplinary aspects of social control; and b) that urban public space presents a valuable case for the analysis of these aspects.A qualitative content analysis of national and municipal legislation has revealed that national legislation is driven by biopolitical objectives and municipal legislation by disciplinary ones. The national legislation focuses the regulation of public space on public order, public calm, and public dignity – public mores that must be upheld in the interest of the population and expanding beyond strictly public space. Disciplinarity is evident in municipal legislation insofar as it breaks space up into governable fragments, imposing painstakingly detailed prohibitions and obligations, and building a hierarchy inside the population between the desired and subnormal subject.


2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (1and2) ◽  
pp. 251-267
Author(s):  
Justito Adiprasetio ◽  
Detta Rahmawan ◽  
Kunto Adi Wibowo

This article focuses on academic publication on hate speech within Indonesia’s scholarly context. The authors analyse the ongoing discourse on hate speech by conducting a meta-analysis method on Garuda, an official website designed for repository of scholarly publications in Indonesia. By examined 143 scientific articles, this study found that most studies refer to the definition of hate speech from the Circular No. SE/06/X2015 on hate speech issued by the Indonesian National Police which shows how most Indonesian academics were comfortable in using limited perspectives on hate speech. Furthermore, the variety of the studies on hate speech comes from law or legal studies and communication or da'wah communication. Most Indonesia academics also conducted studies on hate speech with a juridical normative approach, as well as qualitative research. Intriguingly, some studies have been done with unclear method and approaches. Academics ideally should serve as one of the critics for people in power and government apparatus, for example by continuing to question how hate speech is studied, including in the context of its definition and how it affects the implementation in Indonesia. Hence, the authors urged Indonesian academics to do more studies on hate speech from various backgrounds with more rigorous and various research methods to be able to expand the knowledge on hate speech cases in Indonesia.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (27) ◽  
pp. 144-161
Author(s):  
Iafet Leonardi Bricalli

This article aims at introducing the relation between the use of CCTV systems in urban spaces and social control. More specifically, its purpose is to problematize and reaffirm the use of the theoretical background of the panopticon in order to interpret such a relation. In CCTV studies, as a consequence of literal interpretations, as well as the existence of a hegemony in ethnographic studies carried out in control rooms, the theoretical use of the panopticon is then questioned. In this article, based on an ethnographic study conducted in the public spaces surveilled by a CCTV system in a Brazilian city, it can be concluded that the effects of social control through surveillance are paradoxical. The indifferent way in which citizens deal with surveillance, or even the lack of awareness of it, imposes limits to the interpretation of the system as a tool of social control. Thus, the use of the panopticon becomes problematic. However, this research has shown how the presence of cameras in public spaces makes it conducive for a state of control in the form of a network whose project would be a mythical and homogeneous ordering of the spaces. The importance of the interpretation of Jeremy Bentham’s panopticon by Michel Foucault is then reaffirmed, that is, panopticism as a trend of normalization and moralization of the public spaces.


Author(s):  
Cherian George

This case study of India analyzes the use of hate spin in Narendra Modi’s triumphant 2014 election campaign. The Sangh Parivar network of Hindu nationalists targeted the Muslim minority through classic hate speech in order to mobilize the far right and unite the caste-riven Hindu majority behind the Brahmin-dominated BJP. The Hindu right also conducted a systematic campaign to manufacture extreme offendedness against historical writing perceived as defaming their religion. India’s legal system has been unable to contain hate spin. Laws against incitement are poorly enforced, offering little protection for vulnerable groups facing violence. At the same time, laws intended to preserve harmony by regulating insult have created a de facto right to be offended, which is used by hate spin agents to demand censorship of legitimate speech.


2020 ◽  
Vol 25 (SI) ◽  
pp. 601-622
Author(s):  
Hank Johnston ◽  
Sheldon X. Zhang

This article reviews how protest events in China take forms that are notably distinct from those of the Marxist-Leninist regimes of the twentieth century. It chronicles the upward trajectory of protests in China, remarkable because the trend occurs in a governance structure that seeks to limit independent civil society and the collective expression of grievances. We review several dimensions in which claims and grievances cluster, most of which can be attributed to China’s rapid development, and which potentially could develop into large and coordinated protest campaigns. As part of the party’s concern with maintenance of social harmony, we trace the development of China’s unique repertoire of repression, most notably the various dimensions of the techno-security state, its control of the internet, and development of high-tech surveillance and social control. We close with speculations about the future of social movements in China and the role of its young generation. Today’s young generation is mostly politically quiescent, taking advantage of unprecedented prosperity and opportunities, but it is also potentially “triggered” by examples of numerous protests and potentially empowered by social media.


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