Gender-Affirming Health Insurance Reform in the United States

2021 ◽  
Vol Publish Ahead of Print ◽  
Author(s):  
Ledibabari Mildred Ngaage ◽  
Shan Xue ◽  
Mimi R. Borrelli ◽  
Bauback Safa ◽  
Jens U. Berli ◽  
...  
2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (9S) ◽  
pp. 45-45
Author(s):  
Ledibabari M. Ngaage ◽  
Shan Xue ◽  
Mimi R. Borrelli ◽  
Bauback Safa ◽  
Jens U. Berli ◽  
...  

2008 ◽  
Vol 36 (4) ◽  
pp. 652-659 ◽  
Author(s):  
Deborah Stone

In most other nations, insurance for medical care is called sickness insurance, and it covers sick people. In the United States, we have “health insurance,” and its major carriers — commercial insurers, large employers, and increasingly government programs — strive to avoid sick people and cover only the healthy. This perverse logic at the heart of the American health insurance system is the key to reform debates.Focusing on sick people versus healthy people might seem a strange way to view the coverage issue. Most discussions of insurance categorize people into other groupings: the insured versus the uninsured; Caucasian whites versus other racial and ethnic groups; men versus women; poor and low-income people versus everybody else; children, adults, and the elderly; or citizens versus immigrants and undocumented aliens. More recently, health researchers have begun talking about “vulnerable populations,” using most of the same demographic groupings and adding other illness-inducing factors such as social isolation, stress, and impoverished neighborhoods. But as I will show, insurance plans now use premiums, cost-sharing, and other design features in ways that indirectly divide each of these groups into the sick and the healthy, to the detriment of the sick. By shifting the costs of illness onto people who use medical care — that is, sick people — market-oriented reforms of the last few decades have eroded insurance in the name of strengthening it.


2010 ◽  
Vol 36 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 436-451 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wendy K. Mariner

Health reform debates in the United States are typically conducted using the language of insurance. President Barack Obama described his hopes for expanding access to care as “health insurance reform.” Both proponents and opponents of reform debated the merits of reform proposals leading to the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act of 2010 in insurance terms. Yet, disagreements over the structure of reform reveal deep differences in what proponents and opponents of reform mean by insurance and the role it should play in mediating access to health care. Scholars of insurance law are likely to describe insurance somewhat narrowly as a risk spreading device. Industry representatives, among others, often view conventional indemnity insurance as the norm. From this perspective, reforms that move too far beyond underwriting risks can be seen as undermining actuarial fairness, threatening the very idea of insurance and possibly the industry itself.


ILR Review ◽  
1994 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-67
Author(s):  
Maria Hanratty ◽  
Olivia S. Mitchell

Health insurance and the labor market are inextricably entwined in the United States. Yet, few studies to date have examined the uniquely American links between employees' demand for and employers' ability to provide health care insurance. This topic is of substantial current interest because employer-provided health insurance plays a central role in the national health insurance reform planning process.


1992 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 197-215 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Bodenheimer

A number of health insurance reform proposals have surfaced at the state governmental level in the United States. These include Medicaid expansion for the below-poverty or near-poverty uninsured, state subsidy to individuals and/or businesses for the purchase of health insurance, risk pools for the medically uninsurable, insurance industry–initiated reforms within the small group market, the promotion of “stripped down” insurance plans that reduce premium cost, and state mandating of employer-sponsored health insurance for the employed uninsured. All of these insurance reform proposals have serious limitations: (1) they fail to address the inequities of the underwriting principle by which older and sicker people pay more for health insurance than the young and healthy population; (2) they extend the illogical linkage of employment and health insurance; and (3) they do not slow the rate of health cost inflation nor do they contain a mechanism to finance broader health coverage through savings within the health sector. An alternative to insurance reform is the establishment of a social insurance program that brings the entire population into a single risk pool.


Author(s):  
Hosung Shin ◽  
Han-A Cho ◽  
Bo-Ra Kim

Since 2009, the National Health Insurance in Korea (NHI) has been implementing a series of policies to expand the scope of dental benefits. This study reviewed the changes in co-payments and dental use patterns before (2008 to 2012) and after (2013 to 2017) the NHI’s dental health insurance reform. The study used Korea Health Panel data of 7681 households (16,493 household members) from a 10-year period (2008–2017). Dental expenditures and equivalent income using square root of household size were analyzed. Dental services were categorized into 13 types and a concentration index and 95% confidence interval using the delta method was calculated to identify income-related inequalities by a dental service. Dental expenditures and the number of dental services used increased significantly, while the proportion of out-of-pocket spending by the elderly decreased. The expenditure ratio for implant services to total dental expenditures increased substantially in all age groups, but the ratio of expenditures for dentures and fixed bridges decreased relatively. The concentration index of implant services was basically in favor of the rich, but there was no longer a significant bias favoring the better-off after the reforms. The dental health insurance reform in Korea appears to contribute not only to lowering the ratio of out-of-pocket to total dental expenses per episode in the elderly but also to improving the inequality of dental expenses.


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