scholarly journals XVIII. On the photographic arc spectrum of electrolytic iron

1894 ◽  
Vol 185 ◽  
pp. 983-1021 ◽  

In the Bakerian Lecture for 1873 I gave an account of my early researches on the spectrum of iron, which had been commenced in 1870, and suggested a possible method of spectroscopically eliminating impurities. I then hazarded the statement that “in cases of coincidences found between the lines of various spectra, the line may be fairly assumed to belong to that one in which it is longest and brighest." The method was illustrated by three plates, one of which showed the long and short lines of iron near F; another the spectra of manganese, nickel, Lenarto meteorite, and iron from about G to H; whilst the third was a comparison of the spectra of calcium and barium with the solar spectrum. The subject was subsequently referred to in communications to the Royal Society, in 1874; and with regard to the method of treatment for the elimination of lines due to impurities, I remarked: “The spectrum of the element is first confronted with the spectra of substances most likely to be present as impurities, and with those of metals, which, according to Thalén’s measurements, contain in their spectra coincident lines. Lines due to impurities, if any are thus traced, are marked for omission from the map and their true sources recorded, while any line that is observed to vary in length and thickness in the various photographs is at once suspected to be an impurity line, and, if traced to such, is likewise marked for omission." This work was very laborious, and I appealed “to some other man of science, if not in England, then in some other country, to come forward to aid in the work, which it is improbable that I, with my small observational means and limited time, can carry to a termination.”

Author(s):  
Chakravarthi Ram-Prasad

The Introduction outlines the various chapters. It then situates the question of ‘body’ in the modern Western philosophical tradition following Descartes, and argues that this leaves subsequent responses to come under one of three options: metaphysical dualism of body and subject; any anti-dualist reductionism; or the overcoming of the divide. Describing the Phenomenology of Merleau-Ponty as a potent example of the third strategy, the Introduction then suggests his philosophy will function as foil to the ecological phenomenology developed and presented in the book. Moreover, one approach within the Western Phenomenological tradition, of treating phenomenology as a methodology for the clarification of experience (rather than the means to the determination of an ontology of the subject) is compared to the approach in this book. Since classical India, while understanding dualism, did not confront the challenge of Descartes (for better or for worse), its treatment of body follows a different trajectory.


1894 ◽  
Vol 185 ◽  
pp. 1023-1028

In a communication to the Royal Society in 1887, I gave an account of certain experiments which I had made in connection with the spectra of various meteorites at various temperatures. The spectra were observed at the temperature of the oxyhydrogen flame and the electric spark without jar, and when glowed in vacuum tubes. Some larger specimens of the iron meteorites, Nejed and Obernkirchen, cut so that they were of a size and shape suitable for forming the poles of an arc lamp, having afterwards been kindly placed at my disposal by the Trustees of the British Museum, it became possible to study the arc spectra of these meteorites under very favourable conditions, all impurities introduced by the use of the carbon poles being thus avoided. The region of the spectrum photographed extends from K to D, in the case of each meteorite, and in addition to the solar spectrum, that of electrolytic iron, prepared by Professor Roberts-Austen, referred to in a previous communication, has been used as a comparison spectrum in one case.


1977 ◽  
Vol 30 (6) ◽  
pp. 555-568
Author(s):  
B. K. Donne

The theme of the Ascension of Jesus Christ is one of the most JL important in the New Testament, yet during the present century, very little theological attention has been given to it. Most of the published work has been in the form of articles in theological journals and commentaries, though J. G. Davies' Bampton Lectures entitled He Ascended into Heaven, published in 1958, were devoted to the subject, and later, there appeared, also in English, U. Simon's The Ascent to Heaven in 1961. Even H. B. Swete's The Ascended Christ, which first appeared in 1910 and was subsequently published in several editions until 1916, expresses the hope that the work might awaken a response to a renewed sense of the importance of this great Christian festival. His earlier writing, The Apostles' Creed in 1894, contains a chapter on the Ascension which was a spirited reply to the German scholar Harnack, who asserted that the Ascension had no separate place in the primitive tradition, and whose views considerably influenced the thought of New Testament scholarship for many years to come. This article seeks to make an assessment of what the present writer considers to be a subject of the utmost importance, both in regard to its theological significance in the New Testament, and in its relevance for contemporary Christian experience. The Scriptures declare that Jesus of Nazareth was crucified, buried, and raised again the third day.


The Fellows of the Royal Society have a tradition of writing expositions of their work which rapidly attain the status of classics. Newton’s Principia, Darwin’s Origin of Species , Maxwell’s Theory of Electricity and Magnetism, Rutherford’s Radioactive Transformations , and Dirac’s Quantum Mechanics all served to define a field which their authors had played a major role in establishing, and as a source of knowledge and inspiration for succeeding generations. Rutherford’s book went through two metamorphoses before reaching its final form as Radiations from Radioactive Substances by Rutherford, Chadwick and Ellis (hereafter referred to as RCE). During the early 1930s, it was the principal source for all aspiring nuclear physicists, including Fermi's group in Rome and a whole generation in America. It thus, inadvertently, contributed to the erosion of the overwhelming dominance of the Cavendish Laboratory in the subject. It was often referred to as the ‘Bible’ of nuclear physics, but at least from 1932, ‘Old Testament’ might have been more appropriate. It is firmly based on the proton-electron model of the nucleus and the ‘new mechanics’ makes only a tentative appearance. Nevertheless it is a true masterpiece, clearly and elegantly written, full of incisive summaries and insights, and giving a remarkably faithful and complete picture, from an experimental viewpoint, of nuclear physics as it was around 1930.


1755 ◽  
Vol 49 ◽  
pp. 639-642 ◽  
Keyword(s):  

Three of these crocodile were ago to the late Dr. Mead, physician in ordinary to the Kings; two of which he preserved in his own collection, and presented the third to the late curious Mrs. Kennon; and since the decease of these eminently worthy persons, they are all become the property of Mr. James Leman, of London, who has obliged me with the use of one of them to produce, together with this account, to the inspection of the Royal Society; which is the subject here laid before you; and of which I present the Society with a figure, just of the size and form it appeared in, when taken out of the spirits (Tab. xxix).


1917 ◽  
Vol 63 (263) ◽  
pp. 488-494
Author(s):  
Charles A. Mercier

It is considerably more than a quarter of a century since I first promulgated the doctrine that madness and unsoundness of mind are not the same thing; that madness includes more than unsoundness of mind, and that unsoundness of mind very often occurs in the sane, and is, indeed, one of the most frequent disorders of the sane. This doctrine has always seemed to me as manifestly true as the doctrine of natural selection, and, like the doctrine of natural selection, needs, it appears to me, only to be stated to secure the adhesion of every reasonable mind. In fact, I have found by experience that to the immense majority of my acquaintance it does only need to be stated to secure their adherence. Nearly everyone—everyone outside the membership of this Association—to whom I have stated it, without a single exception, has, in fact, accepted as self-evident that what matters in influencing our judgment of madness or sanity is not what a man thinks or feels, but what he says or does; not his mind, but his conduct. Even within this Association the doctrine has many adherents among the younger members, for I often receive letters from them, telling me how great an assistance it has been to them; so that things are moving, and I trust that before long we shall reach the stage that I predicted in a correspondence in the British Medical Journal, when not only will the doctrine be universally admitted to be true, but also we shall all declare that we never held any other, and that any claim of mine to have originated it will be strenuously denied. However, litera scripta manet. The minute-book of the Educational Committee will show that when I urged that conduct, as being the most important factor in madness, should be systematically studied, I could not secure even a seconder. When I subsequently brought the subject forward in this Association I had not one supporter. Nor had I when I brought it before the Royal Society of Medicine three years ago. In the third edition of Dr. Craig's book on Psychological Medicine, which has just appeared, the doctrine is not so much as even mentioned, and Dr. Craig says that insanity cannot be defined. This he says in face of the fact that at the Royal Society of Medicine I showed that there are several different concepts confused under the name of insanity, and I carefully defined every one of them; nor has any one of my definitions ever been impugned. I venture to assert that if these definitions had emanated from a German source they would have been welcomed with enthusiasm and received with reverence.


Author(s):  
Cigdem Issever ◽  
Ken Peach

It is impossible to overstate the importance of good preparation for a talk. Even when the subject is very familiar, the preparation time is likely to be at least ten times the length of the talk, and if it is a major presentation, you should be ready to spend even longer. It is only with the third or fourth time that you give the same talk (or effectively the same talk) that the preparation time might take less time than giving the talk. It is important to know your audience. Even if some of the slides are the same, the talk will be very different depending upon whether it is given to your professional colleagues (for example in a colloquium or seminar), to a general audience (for example a lecture to the British Association for the Advancement of Science) or to a group of school pupils. You will need to know how big the audience is likely to be, whether there are any special guests (should you begin ‘Your Majesty’), and if there is any special connection between the audience or institution and the topic of your talk (was your host an author on the key ‘discovery’ paper). What do you expect the audience to know about the subject in advance? In general, the more ‘public’ the audience, the less you should assume they know. However, beware of assuming that the professional audience knows a great deal about your special subject. One useful trick for colloquia in university departments is to say to the organizer or Head of Department something like ‘I have prepared a few introductory slides for the benefit of the graduate students—do you think that I should show them?’ The response is usually something like ‘Ah yes, the graduate students—I think that it might be a good idea to show them!’ As well as knowing who your audience is, it is necessary to know why they have invited you to give the talk, or why they have taken the time and trouble to come along to listen to you. Until you know this, it is difficult to see how you can set about meeting their expectations.


In a paper communicated to the Royal Society in 1890, Sir William Huggins gave an account of his discovery of a new group of lines in the photographic spectrum of Sirius, situated near the limit of atmospheric transmission. A photograph taken with a long exposure was described as showing no strong lines after the termination of the hydrogen series until about λ 3338 was reached, at which place there appeared the first of a group of at least six lines, all of which were nearly as broad as those of hydrogen. The third line of the group, about λ , 3278, appeared to be the broadest. The sixth line occurred almost at the limit of the photograph, where the spectrum was very faint, and it was not possible to determine whether this was the last member of the group. The wave-lengths of the lines, which were only considered to be roughly approximate, were given as 3338, 3311, 3278, 3254, 3226, and 3199. In 1915, a copy of an excellent photograph of the spectrum of Sirius, which had been taken with a small quartz prismatic camera at the Royal Observatory, Edinburgh, was kindly forwarded to us by Prof. Sampson. In this photograph the Huggins group is well shown (Plate 3, fig. 3), and it was at once suspected, from the general appearance of the spectrum, that a system of bands, and not a group of lines, was in question. From our knowledge of the physical conditions in the atmosphere of Sirius, as indicated by other parts of the spectrum, the existence of bands in this star seemed highly improbable, and it was an obvious inference that they might be produced by absorption in our terrestrial atmosphere. This view was strongly supported by photographs of the solar spectrum which we obtained with a small quartz spectrograph near sunset, as compared with similar photographs taken when the sun was at a considerable elevation. The spectrum of the low sun showed very decided indications of bands occupying about the same positions as those in the spectrum of Sirius, but, on account of the superposition of solar lines, the wave-lengths of the bands could not be very certainly derived.


2003 ◽  
Vol 49 ◽  
pp. 351-365 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mikuláš Teich

In July 1994 I was approached by The Royal Society asking whether I would be willing to help in putting together a biographical memoir for Dr Dorothy Moyle Needham, who died in December 1987. For a variety of reasons, the Fellow of The Royal Society who originally undertook to write the memoir had been unable to deliver it before his death. After responding that I would be happy to assist, I was informed that I would, no doubt, be contacted by the writer who undertook to complete the task. As it turned out, I heard nothing more and, while occasionally wondering at the unusual delay in the publication of the memoir, I left it at that. That is, until in the spring of 2000 when I noticed that there was still no memoir on ‘Dophi’, as she was known to friends and colleagues. I found this very strange in view of the fact that almost 111/2 years had elapsed since her death and that she was among the first 10 elected female Fellows of The Royal Society. After some hesitation, I wrote on 7 May 2000 to The Lord Lewis of Newnham FRS (then Warden of Robinson College, Cambridge), alerting him to the situation. He was more than surprised and, following his enquiries, in July 2000 I became the third author invited to prepare Dr D.M. Needhams biographical memoir. As in private duty bound, I accepted the invitation, although not without anxiety over predicaments perceived beforehand. For one thing, though I had been collaborating with Dorothy Needham since 1972, the subject was history of biochemistry. Usually a biographical memoir is prepared by a person acquainted at first hand with the experimental/theoretical features of the work of the deceased Fellow. For another thing, I realized that I would be able to work on the memoir only intermittently because of other commitments, including prolonged stays abroad. All this has something to do with the delay in preparing this memoir, including the format.


1842 ◽  
Vol 132 ◽  
pp. 181-214 ◽  

149. In my paper on the "Chemical Action of the Solar Spectrum on preparations of Silver and other substances,” read to the Royal Society in February 1840, and of which the present communication is intended as a continuation or supplement, some experiments on the effect of the spectrum on the colouring matter of the Viola tricolor , and on the resin of guaiacum are described, which the extreme deficiency of sunshine during the summer and autumn of the year 1839 prevented me from prosecuting efficiently up to the date of that communication. The ensuing year 1840 was quite as remarkable for an excess of sunshine as its predecessor for the reverse. Unfortunately the derangements consequent on a change of residence prevented my availing myself of that most favourable conjuncture, and it was not till the autumn of that year that the inquiry could be resumed. From that time to the present date it has been prosecuted at intervals as the weather would allow, though owing to the almost unprecedented continuance of bad weather during the whole of the past summer and autumn (1841), it has of late been almost wholly suspended. In photographic processes, where silver and other metals are used, the effect of light is so rapid that the state of the weather, as to gloom or sunshine, is of little moment. It is otherwise in the class of photographic actions now to be considered, in which exposure to the concentrated spectrum for many hours, to clear sunshine for several days, or to dispersed light for whole months, is requisite to bring on many of the effects described, and those some of the most curious. Moreover, in such experiments, when unduly prolonged by bad weather, the effects due to the action of light become mixed and confounded with those of spontaneous changes in the organic substances employed, arising from the influence of air, and especially of moisture, &c., and so give rise to contradictory conclusions, or at all events preclude definite results, and obscure the perception of characters which might serve as guides in an intricate in quiry, and afford hints for the conduct of future experiment. It is owing to these causes that I am unable to present the results at which I have arrived, in any sort of regular or systematic connection; nor should I have ventured to present them at all to the Royal Society, but in the hope that, desultory as they are, there may yet be found in them matter of sufficient interest to render their longer suppression unadvisable, and to induce others more favourably situated as to climate, to prosecute the subject.


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