What reduces support for civil liberties: Authoritarianism, national identity, and perceived threat

Author(s):  
Michal Mužík ◽  
Jan Šerek
2005 ◽  
Vol 4 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 313-338 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Marsh

AbstractHow tolerant of the civil liberties of people who advocated various unpopular political stances were the citizens of Taiwan, a new democracy in the late 1980s? Are the reasons some Taiwanese were more tolerant than others the same as in other societies? A 1992 survey of a representative sample of the population of Taiwan (N = 1,408) is used to answer these questions. Of the four political stances studied, communism and Taiwan's independence from China were perceived as "more harmful to Taiwan" than the immediate unification of Taiwan with China and the restoration of martial law.Of the hypotheses tested in multivariate analysis, two were largely confirmed: (1) the more one subscribes to the value of democracy as the correct political system for Taiwan, the more tolerant one is of the civil liberties of the "harmful" target groups, but (2) the greater the perceived threat of the harmful political stance, the more intolerant one is of the civil liberties of those advocating the stance. The remaining hypotheses concern the effects of sex, age, ethnicity, education, occupation and income on tolerance.I contextualize the theoretical causal model by reviewing the political history of Taiwan as it changed from an authoritarian one-party state into a democracy. In conclusion, I suggest that the reason the level of intolerance in Taiwan in 1992 has not lead to a diminution of democracy and civil rights between 1992 and the present may be due to "pluralistic intolerance," i.e., the public does not agree on which group to target for intolerance.


2011 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 237-255 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcela Veselkova ◽  
Julius Horvath

An expanding literature on money and identity is built around the assumption that political elites deliberately use currency design to foster national identities. However, the empirical evidence in favor of this assumption has been fragmentary. Drawing on detailed primary sources we demonstrate nationalist intentions of political elites involved in currency design. We also examine how political elites use banknotes as official pronouncements on who is and who is not part of the nation and what the official attitude toward foreigners is. By tracing changes in the inclusive and exclusive messages directed at an intra-state or international audience we document that there is no connection between ingroup (national) love and outgroup (foreigners, minorities, opposition) hate. The amount of exclusive messages to outgroups culminated in conditions of perceived threat when political leaders tried to mobilize pre-existing identities to secure or maintain political power. In contrast, the officials deliberately tried to broaden ingroup boundaries in order to build international communities. Finally, we document that in the case of limited support for the new conception of identity, officials tried to depict the old and the new identity as complementary, embedding the new identity in existing discourses.


Author(s):  
Susan Sheridan

Women seem barely visible in the lively Australian literary scene of the 1950s and 1960s. Popular wisdom has it that after the war women were sent home and imprisoned in domesticity, but this was not entirely true. Significant numbers earned a living, and gained popular success, writing historical fiction, children’s stories, feature journalism, and radio and television scripts, but the growing separation of literary from popular writing meant that their work lacked serious critical attention, and still does. Others did not achieve publication for years, while those who did were rarely recognized as significant artists. As a writing generation, these women, in particular the novelists, were eclipsed from view, both at the time and in subsequent histories. One reason for this is that they tended to be detached from prevailing debates about national identity and from traditional Left-Right oppositions. Their sense of the social responsibility of writers led them to explore topics and ideas that were outside the postwar political mainstream, such as conservation, peace, civil liberties, and Indigenous rights. Four case studies offer some illustration of the range of literary activities undertaken by these women writers, and allow a consideration of the ways in which they engaged with their social and cultural milieux: Kylie Tennant (1912–1988), Nancy Cato (1917–2000), Judith Wright (1915–2000), and Kath Walker/Oodgeroo Noonuccal (1920–1993).


Pedagogika ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 109 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-32
Author(s):  
Renaldas Čiužas

Over the past few years the education community in Lithuania often discusses the issues concerning the education and formation of national identity of younger generation. Interest in this topic is based on facts that emigration of younger generation in Lithuania is not decreasing, that school-age children and youth feel lack of ethnic self-consciousness and national identity. Assumption that teachers play the important role in the formation of national identity for children and young people isn’t excluded. Personal identity as self sensation begins to form in early childhood. In this process the important role performs first of all parents, then other family members and later the school. National identity are formed continuously. The societies openness to other cultures, increase of individuals and nations international relations, lifestyle influenced by globalization, wish to learn about other cultures raise new requirements for education process in schools where national identity has important role in the teaching paradigm [2]. It is expected that schools provide not only knowledge and skills necessary for life in knowledge society, but also develop students‘ tolerance for other cultures and help them become aware of the meaning of his national cultural. As observed by L. Duoblienė (2009), educational theorists during discussions how to change the educational process under the new circumstances proposes first of all to strengthen students media literacy as well as intercultural education that teach younger generation to resist the influence of ideologies and unconscious misrepresentations, change youth provisions. The teacher’s role in this process becomes significant. The purpose of this article is to reveal the  importance of teacher competence to the formation of students national identity. The object of this article – teacher competence. The scientific literature analysis was used in this article. The article consists of two parts: the first part analyses the complexity of the concept of teacher competence, and the second part analyses the teacher competence Framework and it’s importance to the formation of students national identity. After reviewing of scientific literature the following conclusions are formulated: The teacher in modern school play in their daily activities not only the role of traditional teacher by giving new knowledge for students. Today teacher is a consultant, an advisor, elder friend, a researcher and so on. It is difficult to list all roles of today teacher. But teachers‘ knowledge, skills, personal qualities and values affects not only students learning motivation and achievement, but also formation of their national identity. Teacher competencies can be categorized into the three groups: general competencies, professional competencies and special competencies. The competency framework allow for teacher to become professional in particular teaching subject or sphere, enables him to organize the educational process and feel comfortable in a professional environment. To help the teacher to know and be able to help students to form their national identity is very important teachers‘ common-cultural competence. The teacher need to be characterized by ethnic, racial and religious tolerance, to have knowledge about civil liberties, human rights and obligations, and be able to ensure it within its capabilities.


2020 ◽  
pp. 136843022096256
Author(s):  
Kevin R. Carriere ◽  
Anna Hallahan ◽  
Fathali M. Moghaddam

Individuals express support for civil liberties and human rights, but when threatened tend to restrict rights for both others and themselves. However, the question of whether or not rights are restricted to punish others or protect ourselves remains unclear. This meta-analysis integrates the findings of the effect of perceived threats on support for restrictions of civil liberties from 1997 to 2019. It includes 163 effect-size estimates from 46 different articles involving 91,716 participants. The presence of threat increased support for restrictions against outgroup members significantly more than ingroup members, providing a possible punitive explanation for support for restrictions of civil liberties. These findings contribute to the debate on rights and their relationship with deservingness, suggesting that we delineate those who deserve human rights and those who do not.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Azzam Amin ◽  
Darragh McCashin ◽  
Mohamed Abdelrahman ◽  
Duaa Al-Adwan ◽  
Youssef Hasan

Abstract Background In 2017, the unprecedented blockade of Qatar by neighboring Gulf states caused a plethora of effects on the country at a psychological, socio-political, and identity level. This paper sought to examine the resulting psychological effects of this blockade in Qatar but with a focus on the younger population. Methods Using self-report questionnaire data from Qatari secondary school students (n = 1410), a multiple regression model investigated the predictive effects of youth self-esteem, national identity, and perceived threat on the well-being of students. Results The model predicted 23.9% of the variance in the overall dataset. The results indicated that the model was a significant predictor of well-being, F (3, 1406) = 148.35, p = .000. While self-esteem significantly contributed to the model (B = .473, p = .000), as did perceived threat (B = − .058, p = 0.013); Qatari identity did not display a significant predictive effect (B = .040, p = .089). Conclusions In the context of the conflict, perceived threat and self-esteem play a crucial role in predicting youth wellbeing.


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