Representational commissions and policy‐making on Indigenous and women’s issues: A case‐study of the Liberal Party and the New Democratic Party of Canada

2021 ◽  
Vol 64 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-73
Author(s):  
Corinne Allsop ◽  
Emmanuelle Richez

Subject Canada's federal political outlook. Significance Canada’s three main parties have all selected the leaders with which they will contest the 2019 federal election. New Democratic Party (NDP) leader Jagmeet Singh, Conservative leader Andrew Scheer and Prime Minister Justin Trudeau of the Liberal Party now have two years in which to define themselves for the electorate and make a case for their parties to assume or resume control of government. Impacts Fallout from fundraiser links to the Paradise Papers tax avoidance controversy could undercut Trudeau’s Liberals. Trudeau’s strong Quebec ties will help him hold off the NDP, but Ontario losses could leave a Liberal minority government. Ontario’s 2018 provincial election will offer an early indication of the strength of Trudeau’s federal opponents.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Amanda Mullins ◽  
Adam Epp

We developed a split plot design model for analysis of sentiment toward federal political parties on the social media platform Twitter in the weeks prior to the 2015 Canadian Federal Election. Data was collected from Twitter’s Application Programming Interface (API) via statistical program R. We scored the sentiment of each Twitter message referring to the parties and tested using ANOVA. Our results suggested that the Liberal Party and New Democratic Party had more positive sentiment than the Conservative Party. Actual seat wins coincide with our results for the Liberal Party (which won 148 new seats) and the Conservative Party (which lost 60 seats), but positive sentiment for the New Democratic Party did not correspond to seat wins.


Significance The governing Liberal Party presented the election as the most important in decades as it sought a mandate to lead the country’s emergence from the pandemic. Instead, the election delivered little change, leaving Prime Minister Justin Trudeau heading a minority government, most likely with support from the left-leaning New Democratic Party (NDP) as before. Impacts An expected cabinet shuffle will see new ministers at key departments including Justice and Foreign Affairs. Provinces will drop their resistance to the proposed childcare programme, which will be in effect before the end of 2022. No new pipelines will be proposed or built while Trudeau remains in office, given perceived government hostility to fossil fuels. The transfer to the provinces of significant responsibility for healthcare will go ahead as decentralisation accelerates.


2004 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 225-237 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gunnar Kaati ◽  
Michael Sjöström ◽  
Monika Vester

1974 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-124 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barry McGill

The full story of the 1918 election can never be told, although its importance as a watershed is, and was at the time, undoubted. Private papers have disappeared and fire destroyed records of the Local Government Board and Home Office. An especially interesting kind of record, the expenditure of candidates, was not even collected, and no questions were raised about this until it was too late.Churchill was among those who understood that “an election is to be fought, the result of which will profoundly affect political relationships and political issues for several years to come ….” Recent scholarship has concentrated on the divisions within the Liberal Party prior to the election, the special questions of Ireland and of National Democratic Party candidates, and “the stages” by which the drama unfolded in the autumn of 1918. But there has been no explanation of the timing: why did Lloyd George wait so long, and, having waited so long, why did he hurry into a December election, knowing the problems of voter registration and the signs of apathy and even hostility to an election? Moreover, all the discussion of why “coupons” were awarded as they were has obscured the difficulty of planning a coalition program, which was the precondition of any allocation of “coupons.”The constraints upon Lloyd George went back to 1916. From the moment he succeeded Asquith he was “a Prime Minister without a party.” His claim to have 136 Liberal supporters in the Commons was never substantiated by a name list or verified in the division lobbies.


2016 ◽  
Vol 11 (8) ◽  
pp. 682-689 ◽  
Author(s):  
H. Houri Jafari ◽  
A. Vakili ◽  
H. Eshraghi ◽  
A. Hamidinezhad ◽  
I. Naseri

Author(s):  
Ruth McGinity

This chapter reports on data and analysis to theorise the role that both corporate and political elites played in the development and enactment of localised policy-making at Kingswood Academy; a secondary school in the North of England. The analysis offered reveals how a single case-study school provides an important site to explore the ways in which the educational policy environment provides the conditions for elites to play a significant role in the development and delivery of localised policy processes in England. Bourdieu (1986; 1992) provides the thinking tools to undertake this theoretical and intellectual work, and I deploy his conceptualisation of misrecognition as a means of interrogating how the involvement of corporate and political elites in the processes of localised policy-making reproduces the hierarchised power of particular networks, which ultimately contribute to the privatisation of educational ‘goods’ as marketised commodities.


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