Green Politics and the New Class: Selfishness or Virtue?

1989 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 205-223 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robyn Eckersley

The predominantly new middle-class social composition of the green movement has become a matter of increasing interest in the wake of the success of green parties and the growth of an international green movement. This paper considers the concept of the ‘new class' in relation to two explanations for the social composition of the green movement. The class-interest argument seeks to show that green politics is a means of furthering either middle-class or new-class interests while the ‘new childhood’ argument claims that the development of the green movement is the result of the spread of post-material values, the main bearers of which are the new class. Against these arguments a more comprehensive explanation is presented, which focuses on the education of the new class and its relative structural autonomy from the production process.

2019 ◽  
Vol 26 (88) ◽  
pp. 72-95
Author(s):  
Paulo Ricardo Zilio Abdala ◽  
Maria Ceci Misoczky

Abstract The argument of this essay is that the ideia of emergence of a new Brazilian middle class was a stratagem adopted to create a positive agenda with transitory social consensus. In order to develop it, we return to the social class theory to discuss the stratification theory, which is the methodological and theoretical support of the so called new middle class. In addition to that, another possibility of analysis is presented, based on the theoretical propositions by Alvaro Vieira Pinto and Ruy Mauro Marini, two authors from the Brazilian social thought, articulating consumption, social classes, work and production as inseparable relationships, part of dependent capitalism contradictions. From these authors´ perspective, it was possible to understand that the expansion of consumption, basis for the new middle class stratagem, temporarily improved the living conditions of people at the expense of deepening the overexploitation of labor, reproducing the development of dependency.


1974 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 155-165 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rodney Schneck ◽  
Douglas Russell ◽  
Ken Scott

In discussion of the social structure of modern capitalist societies the distinction between the “old” and “new” middle class is common. The old middle class is epitomized by the small businessman and the new middle class by the bureaucratic manager and employee. It has been postulated that the political sentiments and attitudes are different among these two subsets of the middle class. Specifically, it is hypothesized that the old middle class in a mature industrial and capitalistic system is especially vulnerable to right-wing extremism. It is the purpose of this paper to report research testing the above general hypothesis by using three factors of explanation.


2017 ◽  
Vol 76 (2) ◽  
pp. 103-141
Author(s):  
Dries Goedertier

Vanaf de jaren 1880 was de Vlaamse beweging het toneel van een belangrijke politieke en ideologische vernieuwing. Het zogenaamde cultuurflamingantisme verruimde de politieke eisen van de Vlaamse beweging tot de sociale kwestie en het vraagstuk van de economische ontwikkeling. Het sluitstuk van deze analyse was de these dat de secundaire positie van het Nederlands en de sociale en economische achterstelling van Vlaanderen onlosmakelijk verbonden waren. Spilfiguur achter deze economische heroriëntatie van de Vlaamse beweging was de ingenieur, socioloog en econoom Lodewijk De Raet. In deze bijdrage wil ik de politieke vernieuwing die het cultuurflamingantisme vertegenwoordigde in de verf zetten aan de hand van een kritische dialoog met het belangrijke werk van Olivier Boehme. Waar hij De Raet in de eerste plaats ziet als een primordiale nationalist, beschouw ik hem als een intellectueel die het nationalisme omarmde in een context van kapitalistische versnelling. De Raet schreef in een periode van belangrijke sociaaleconomische transformaties die verklaren waarom hij zoveel belang is gaan hechten aan de ‘economie’. In zijn denken toonde hij zich bewust van mondialisering, de concentratie van kapitaal en de ontwikkeling van een nieuwe middenklasse. Ik argumenteer dat De Raet optrad als een organische intellectueel die aan een embryonale ‘Vlaamse leidende stand’ van kapitalisten en ingenieurs duidelijke richtlijnen meegaf. Zij moest het Vlaamse ‘stambewustzijn’ vergroten door zich in te zetten voor de economische, culturele en intellectuele ontwikkeling van Vlaamse middenstanders, boeren en arbeiders. Alleen een ‘Vlaamse Hogeschool’ in Gent zou volgens De Raet bij “machte zijn om de verschillende standen der maatschappij weer samen te brengen”.________Lodewijk de Raet: Primordial Nationalist or an Organic Intellctual of the New Middle Class?From the 1880s onwards, the Flemish Movement was the scene of an important political and ideological renewal. The so-called “cultural flamingantisme” broadened the political demands of the Flemish Movement toward the social question and the issue of economic development. The capstone of the this analysis was the thesis that the secondary position of Dutch and the social and economic backwardness of Flanders were intextricably linked. A key figure behind this economic reorientation of the Flemish Movement was the engineer, sociologist and economist Lodewijk de Raet. In this article, I want to highlight the political renewal represented by cultural flamingantisme by means of a critical dialogue with the important work of Olivier Boehme. Where he sees De Raet as a primordial nationalist first and foremost, I portray him as an intellectual who embraced nationalism in a context of capitalist acceleration. De Raet wrote during a period of important socioeconomic transformations, which explains why he placed so much importance on “economics”. In his thinking, he showed himself to be conscious of globalization, the concentration of capital and the development of a new middle class. I argue that De Raet acted as an organic intellectual who provided clear guidelines to the embryonic “Flemish leading estate” of capitalists and engineers. They had to expand the Flemish “ethnic consciousness” by devoting themselves to the economic, cultural and intellectual development of the Flemish middle class, farmers and laborers. According to De Raet, only a “Flemish University” in Ghent would be able “to bring the different classes of society back together again.”


2019 ◽  
pp. 207-230
Author(s):  
Tai-lok Lui ◽  
Shuo Liu

One of the most notable features of urbanization in China in the past two decades is the rise of an urban middle class. From the proliferation of nightlife entertainment in urban hot spots to the consumption of luxurious items and/or foreign brands, the drastic increase in car ownership to the growth of gated communities, cityscape in contemporary China has undergone drastic changes in the course of urbanization and socio-economic re-stratification. The rise of a newly formed middle class in the major cities is both an agent in shaping the changing cityscape and an outcome of current urban development. This chapter, drawing upon the authors’ observations conducted in a suburban middle-classcommunity in Beijing in 2007-2017 and the study of the middle class in Shanghai since the mid-1990s, reports on the emergence and formation of an urban middle class in contemporary Chinese cities. It is argued that this middle class came into existence when China’s economy was marketized and the social structure had undergone a major transformation as a result of such economic changes. Within a period of 20-25 years, there witnessed the birth of a middle class in the context of the transition to a post-socialist economy, the formation of new class identities and lifestyles, and growing class-related anxieties. Our discussion covers the formation of this urban middle class, its social and cultural outlooks, and an analysis of how their class interests shape the social landscape of the Chinese cities.


1969 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 54-89 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anthony D'Agostino

The notion that the leadership of industrial society must eventually be ceded to an educated elite of technical and administrative experts is an important theme in the social thought of the last two centuries. It can be found as early as Saint-Simon's plans for the Système Industriel. As a criticism of the supposedly anti-proletarian aspects of Socialism it is commonly thought to have originated with James Burnham's idea of a “managerial revolution” and appeared later with Milovan Djilas's “new class”. Actually the criticism of “State Socialism” in general, and of Marxism in particular, for an alleged tropism toward managerialism was also a weapon in the arsenal of nineteenth century anarchism. An integral part of Bakunin's criticism of Marx, whom he called the “Bismarck of Socialism”, was the contention that Marxism in power would organize society “under the direct command of state engineers who will constitute a new privileged scientific-political class”. This thesis has had its most consistent and rigorous formulation in the work of Jan Waclaw Machajski, a Polish-Russian revolutionary who based his theory on the conviction that Socialism was not the ideology of the proletariat but of what he called the “intellectual workers”, the new middle class of white collar employees generated by industrial capitalism. The most important antagonism in modern society, thought Machajski, was that between the educated – to whom he gave the inclusive term “bourgeois society” – and the uneducated manual laborers. He argued that a portion of educated society, the Socialist intelligentsia with Marxists in the forefront, was attempting to gain for itself a privileged position in capitalist society by turning the labor movement away from direct action for higher wages and toward a struggle for parliamentary power which could only benefit the intellectual workers.


2005 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 103-125 ◽  
Author(s):  
HAL BRANDS

After World War II, African ex-servicemen in Kenya sought to maintain the socioeconomic gains they had accrued through service in the King's African Rifles (KAR). Looking for middle-class employment and social privileges, they challenged existing relationships within the colonial state. For the most part, veterans did not participate in national politics, believing that their goals could be achieved within the confines of colonial society. The postwar actions of KAR veterans are best explained by an examination of their initial perceptions of colonial military service. Indeed, the social and economic connotations of KAR service, combined with the massive wartime expansion of Kenyan defense forces, created a new class of Africans with distinctive characteristics and interests. These socioeconomic perceptions proved powerful after the war, often informing ex-askari action.


1987 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 151-172 ◽  
Author(s):  
N Smith

The question of whether gentrification can and should be explained as the result of contemporary processes of social restructuring is considered. It has been proposed, in particular, that gentrification is caused by the rise of a ‘new middle class’, and this argument is evaluated in theoretical and empirical terms. There is, in fact, better evidence for the significance of women in the gentrification process, because of changing work patterns, changing patterns of reproduction, and the changing relationship between work and reproduction. In light of these arguments, issue is taken with the claim that gentrification is a ‘chaotic conception’ and it is suggested how, instead, the social restructuring that is currently being observed is closely related to an economic restructuring, and that both together involve a dramatic spatial restructuring of which ‘gentrification’ is one part. The new urban patterns now unfolding do involve the construction of ‘consumption landscapes’ in the city, and the emergence of an incipient ‘urban dream’ parallel to the suburban dream of the last decade, but this docs not imply that urban geographical change is now somehow demand led.


1994 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-74 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Ley

Whereas authors have frequently alluded to an adversarial politics among the new middle class of professional and managerial workers, surveys and electoral returns confirm a generally conservative disposition in this group as a whole. In this paper I seek to specify a social location for left—liberal politics among a distinctive cadre of social and cultural professionals, the cultural new class. This cadre also bears a distinct geographical identity, with an overconcentration in the central cities of large metropolitan areas, not least in their gentrifying districts. The part played since 1968 by the cultural new class in these gentrifying districts in redefining the urban politics of Toronto, Montreal, and Vancouver is examined. In particular, the role of a gentrifying middle class in challenging a postwar hegemony of growth boosterism practised by the conservative regimes in all three cities, and their parallel attempt to sustain an alternative regime of reform politics, are assessed.


2017 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 143-162 ◽  
Author(s):  
Siôn Llewelyn Jones

It is widely assumed that as a result of school choice, Welsh-medium schools in south-east Wales largely cater for students from privileged, middle-class backgrounds. The main aim of this article is to examine whether evidence supports this assumption. While it is difficult to determine whether Welsh-medium schools are elite educational institutions or not, it is evident based on data on free school meals (an indicator of household poverty) ratios of schools, that Welsh-medium schools have on average lower proportion of students from the poorest households compared to English-medium schools in south-east Wales. This article also aims to explain how the context (the circumstances in which decisions are made) and process (how decisions are made) of school choice contribute towards the trends with regards to the social composition of Welsh-medium and English-medium schools in south-east Wales. This article argues that by drawing on both Rational Choice Theory and Bourdieu's Cultural Reproduction Theory (two theoretical frameworks that have been influential on school choice research), researchers will be able to gain a better understanding of the process underlying choice of medium of education.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document