10. New Society

The more political dimension of green radicalism analyzed in this chapter believes that ecological limits and boundaries can only be confronted, and the path to a better society charted, though political activism and thoroughgoing change in dominant institutions and practices. It finds its most conventional form of organization in green political parties that have been part of the electoral landscape since the 1980s, and that have in several countries (especially in Europe) joined governing coalitions and provided government ministers. However, social movements such as Occupy, Extinction Rebellion, Transition Initiatives, and those for environmental justice and sustainable materialism matter just as much. Movements for global environmental justice and the environmentalism of the global poor, and radical summits, have taken radical green politics to different parts of the world and to the global stage. An eco-anarchist disposition is associated with social ecology, and some radicals seek to link green politics and socialism. Green radicalism takes on economics in “doughnut economics” and proposals for a “Green New Deal”.

Authoritarian Populism, Environmentalism and Exceptional Governance in Hungary

This paper analyzes how the incumbent authoritarian populist Orbán government started to navi­gate itself from an anti-climate to a conservative green position. First, the theoretical background of environmentalism and democracy/autocracy will be investigated. It is to say that the relationship between democracy and the environment is quite contradictory, although democracy has a demonstrable effect on the quality of the environment and sustainability, it is not worth absolutizing. That is why we should put an emphasis on the environmental approach of authoritarian regimes, here as a case study of the Hungarian regime. From 2010, the Orbán regime elaborated an ambiguous attitude toward the environment and green politics; on the on hand, it was characterized by climate denialism and demolition of environmental institutions, on the other hand, the super-majority behind the regime accepted the Fundamental Law with several green elements. In the second half of 2019 and early 2020, the regime started to create a new conservative green agenda. This authoritarian populist greening is not based on eco-authoritarian traditions. This paper challenges the notion that authoritarian populist actors are hostile to environmental policies. The Orbán regime proved adaptive in the case of the climate emergency and is about to elaborate its own climate agenda. At the same time, the regime is unable to face the real nature of the climate and ecological emergencies. The crisis caused by the COVID-19 pandemic has been used by the regime to rule by decree based on exceptional powers. In fact, the regime relied on exceptional governance before the COVID-19 crisis, ever since the migration crisis of 2015. The authoritarian populist regime recognized the political opportunities of exceptional governance in terms of overlapping crises and that is why it is characterized by authoritarian climate populism.

Greening Global Egalitarianism?

In Justice and Natural Resources: An Egalitarian Theory (2017), Chris Armstrong proposes a version of global egalitarianism that – contra the default renderings of this approach – takes individual attachment to specific resources into account. By doing this, his theory has the potential for greening global egalitarianism both in terms of procedure and scope. In terms of procedure, its broad account of attachment and its focus on individuals rather than groups connects with participatory governance and management and, ultimately, participatory democracy – an essential ingredient in the toolkit of green politics and policy-making. In terms of scope, because it does not commit itself to any particular moral framework, Armstrong’s theory leaves the door open for non-human animals to become subjects of justice, thus extending the realm of the latter beyond its traditionally anthropocentric borders. I conclude that these greenings are promising, but not trouble-free.

Analisis Dampak FLEGT VPA Terhadap Ekspor Hutan Indonesia Ditengah EU Green Deal

Forestry export is one of Indonesia’s strongest industries embraced in economic diplomacy or the international trade negotiation. FLEGT VPA that is conducted between Indonesia and European Union gave a fresh head start for Indonesia’s forestry exports, however it also exposed Indonesia into new challenges amid the Indonesia-EU CEPA negotiation with the EU Green Deal happening. Therefore, Indonesia needs to scrutinize every dimension that might obstruct national export development in the post-pandemic era and to keep the demands flowing for the forest industries. This article is aimed to discuss on how FLEGT VPA impacts Indonesia’s forest timber exports after the signing of Permendag 74/2020. This article also discussed the context on how Indonesia through FLEGT VPA can face against the EU Green Deal in forestry export. This article is researched using document-based research of literature studies and supporting data. This research concludes that FLEGT VPA through Permendag 74/2020 is adopted as part of Indonesia’s trade development and recovery efforts in post Covid-19 pandemic and to adopts the Timber Legal Verification System. FLEGT VPA has also impacts the forestry small and medium exporters because of the increased production cost as the result of the timber bureaucracy that was set by the government. This article resulted that FLEGT VPA however imposed challenges but at the same time developing its market capabilites and export to create a positive image for the sustainable timber industry. Amid the increased green politics in European Union affecs intra ASEAN hence committed for all member states in starting through possible foreign trade and economic cooperation scheme.

Islam as an Environmentally Friendly Religion

Boisterous problems occur in Indonesia and other parts of the world. The issue of Cement Plant in Rembang spread in online and offline media is an example that can be disclosed here. People around the cement factory in Rembang who work as farmers attempt to stop the practice by casting the foot together. The reason is that food security must be maintained, and natural beauty also needs to be maintained. This problem is still a tug-of-war among government, employers, and the people. Islam as a religion of compassion, certainly teaches a sense of justice and humanity to all humanity. In direct proportion to Islam, green political reasoning also likes this. In this paper will be parsed study Cement Plant Perspective Green Politics, as an effort to maintain the continuity of human life and care for the beauty of nature. In a country that embraces a democratic system and applies green political theory, it should implement three aspects, namely: First, distributing justice, Second, committed to democratization process, Third, Efforts to achieve ecological sustainability.

Peran Faktor Domestik Jepang dalam Kebijakan Investasi Proyek PLTU Batang

Japan is one country that is consistent with green policies both in domestic and foreign policy through the Chonaikai movement and the green industry. The policy cannot be separated from the role of the development of Japan’s green groups that emerged since the world oil crisis of the 1970s. However, in 2011 there was a policy inconsistency marked by an upward trend in Japanese investment in developing coal-based projects. The biggest investment is in Indonesia in the development of the Batang PLTU. Batang PLTU is a national strategic project as a result of the 2005 Infrastructure Summit which is inconsistent with green politics in Japan’s foreign policy. This article analyzes Japan’s supports the Batang PLTU project using Lovell’s foreign policy process approach. This article argues that Japan’s decision to invest in the Batang PLTU project cannot be separated from the existence of information input in the form of domestic demand, domestic opinion, domestic interests, and Japanese domestic needs. This is inseparable from the financial and political power of business groups that are able to indirect lobbying and direct lobbying.