Another Brick in the Wall? Neo-Refoulement and the Externalization of Asylum by Australia and Europe

2008 ◽  
Vol 43 (2) ◽  
pp. 249-269 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jennifer Hyndman ◽  
Alison Mountz

AbstractInsecurity and fear in the global North produce political space to advance security measures, including the externalization of asylum. States in the global North make it increasingly difficult for asylum seekers to reach sovereign territory where they might make a refugee claim. While legal protection remains intact under the Refugee Convention, extra-legal measures employ geography to restrict access to asylum and keep claimants at bay through a variety of tactics. This article probes the ways in which fear of uninvited asylum seekers is securitized and looks at the tactics utilized to keep them at bay, far from the borders of states that are signatories to the UN Refugee Convention. Drawing on research in Europe and Australia, we demonstrate how states are promoting ‘protection in regions of origin’ through practices of de facto neo-refoulement. Neo-refoulement refers to a geographically based strategy of preventing asylum by restricting access to territories that, in principle, provide protection to refugees.

2014 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-101
Author(s):  
Brian Moore ◽  
Joris van Wijk

Case studies in the Netherlands and the UK of asylum applicants excluded or under consideration of exclusion pursuant to Article 1Fa of the Refugee Convention reveal that some applicants falsely implicated themselves in serious crimes or behaviours in order to enhance their refugee claim. This may have serious consequences for the excluded persons themselves, as well as for national governments dealing with them. For this reason we suggest immigration authorities could consider forewarning asylum applicants i.e. before their interview, about the existence, purpose and possible consequences of exclusion on the basis of Article 1F.


2020 ◽  
Vol 114 ◽  
pp. 102-113
Author(s):  
Obiora Chinedu Okafor

As Professor Jastram has noted, in and of itself, international refugee law is not explicit enough on the issue at hand. It is not clear enough in protecting persons who come in aid of, or show solidarity to, refugees or asylum-seekers. That does not mean, however, that no protections exist for them at all in other, if you like, sub-bodies of international law. This presentation focuses on the nature and character of those already existing international legal protections, as well as on any protection gaps that remain and recommendations on how they can be closed. It should be noted though that although the bulk of the presentation focuses on the relevant international legal protection arguments, this presentation begins with a short examination of the nature of the acts of criminalization and suppression at issue.


Refuge ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 13-26
Author(s):  
John Van Kooy ◽  
Liam Magee ◽  
Shanthi Robertson

This article draws upon content analysis of Australian parliamentary transcripts to examine debates about asylum seekers who arrived by boat in three historical periods: 1977–1979, 1999–2001, and 2011–2013. We analyze term frequency and co-occurrence to identify patterns in specific usage of the phrase “boat people.” We then identify how the term is variously deployed in Parliament and discuss the relationship between these uses and government policy and practice. We conclude that forms of “discursive bordering” have amplified representations of asylum seekers as security threats to be controlled within and outside Australia’s sovereign territory. The scope of policy or legislative responses to boat arrivals is limited by a poverty of political language, thus corroborating recent conceptual arguments about the securitization and extra-territorialization of the contemporary border.


2019 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 132-154 ◽  
Author(s):  
Atin Prabandari ◽  
Yunizar Adiputera

This article explores how refugees in non-signatory countries in Southeast Asia, particularly Indonesia and Malaysia, have some protection through alternative paths under international refugee law. These two countries provide forms of protection even if they are not States Parties to the Refugee Convention. These two case studies show that the governance of protection for refugee and asylum seekers is provided through alternative paths, even in the absence of international law and statist processes. These alternative paths offer a degree of meaningful protection, even if this is not tantamount to resettlement. Alternative paths of protection are initiated mainly by non-state actors. The states try to manage alternative protective governance to secure their interests by maintaining their sovereignty, on the one hand, and performing humanitarian duties on the other. In this regard, Indonesia and Malaysia have resorted to meta-governance to balance these two concerns.


2020 ◽  
Vol 63 (3) ◽  
pp. 660-682
Author(s):  
Katherine Luongo

Abstract:Over the last two decades, witchcraft violence has emerged steadily as a “push factor” for African asylum seekers who argue that being accused of witchcraft or targeted with witchcraft renders them members of a “particular social group” (PSG), subject to persecution and eligible for refugee protection under the 1951 UN Refugee Convention. This article examines the refugee status determination (RSD) processes through which immigration regimes in Canada and Australia have adjudicated allegations about witchcraft violence made by asylum seekers from across Anglophone Africa. It critiques the utility of expanding PSG along cultural lines without a commensurate expansion in adjudicators’ knowledge.


1989 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 201-218
Author(s):  
Keith W. Yundt

Since 1978, massive influxes of asylum seekers have placed great strain upon recipient states in Central America. At the global level, protection and assistance to refugees is entrusted to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). At the regional level, one would expect involvement by the Organization of American States with Central America refugees; either to supplement UNHCR activities or to enforce independent inter-American standards. This article reviews inter-American standards and agencies of concern for asylum seekers and refugees. Special attention is given to the inter-American human rights regime as the mechanism best suited to supplement or complement UNHCR activities in Central America.


2019 ◽  
Vol 63 (2) ◽  
pp. 166-172
Author(s):  
Sonja Arsham Kuftinec

Holot Legislative Theatre (HLT) is a mixed group of African asylum seekers and Israeli allies. Through continuously evolving, modular, interactive performances, the ensemble presents social dilemmas created by Israeli state policy towards refugees and asylum seekers. Based on testimonies and personal stories, HLT offers a rereading of the 1951 UN Refugee Convention.


2019 ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
David Scott FitzGerald

Most refugees do not have a legal way of reaching safety in the rich democracies of the Global North. There is no legal line where they can register and wait as their number advances. Obtaining a resettlement slot is like winning the lottery. The only realistic way to reach the Global North is to reach its territory and then ask for asylum. Rich democracies typically abide by the principle of non-refoulement but deliberately and systematically shut down most legal paths to safety. An architecture of repulsion based on cages, domes, buffers, moats, and barbicans keeps out asylum seekers and other migrants. Australia, Canada, the United States, and the European Union have converging policies of remote control to keep asylum seekers away from their territories. The catch-22 for refugees is that rich democracies are essentially telling them, “We will not kick you out if you come here. But we will not let you come here.”


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 237-246
Author(s):  
Kazi Fahmida Farzana ◽  
Siti Darwinda Mohamed Pero ◽  
Muhammad Fuad Othman

In Malaysia, refugees remain mostly invisible and face various challenges in terms of protection, healthcare and education. They are often preserved as ‘illegal immigrants’, therefore always at risk of arrest, detention, punishment and deportation. The worse sufferers of these are the children and youth, who are also considered to be illegitimate and deprived of rights including the right to education. This is a case study of a young Rohingya refugee man whose dedication and struggles, despite his problematic identity imposed by various authorities, continue to find a way out and serve fellow refugees through a community organization. However, the dream to have an education and flourish as a full-fledged human being remains a far cry for those marginalized, underprivileged Rohingya refugees and their children. Their experience in Malaysia is far from exceptional, of the sufferings that refugees are forced to bear in many countries in South and Southeast Asia. Nonetheless, this case aims to facilitate the basic understanding of displacement, the refugee situation, international law and particularly refugee children’s rights to education. It provides a deeper understanding of the root causes of Rohingya’s current ‘stateless’ situation in Malaysia, identifies the challenges faced by a refugee community organization, refugee children’s struggles and rights to education. It initiates thoughts to examine the government policies and look for alternative strategies that may benefit the refugee children as well as the national development in the long run. Dilemma: Are Rohingya in Malaysia ‘refugees’ or ‘economic migrants’? Should the children of Rohingya be given access to education? Should Malaysia sign the 1951 Refugee Convention? Theory: Statelessness theory Type of the Case: Experience-based applied single case study Protagonist: Present Options Malaysia can take the stand that being nonsignatory to the 1951 Refugee Convention and its 1967 protocol, it is not bound to come up with policies for refugees. By providing ‘temporary’ shelter to a significant number of refugees and asylum-seekers, Malaysia has done enough for the refugees. At the international level, Malaysia is considered to be sympathetic towards refugees. Refugee and asylum seekers’ presence has been exerting pressure on Malaysian culture and society. In contrast, refugee and migration issues are receiving attention from the government and civil society in Malaysia. Former government has tried to adopt some policies like providing short-term work permit for a small number of registered Rohingya refugees in certain plantations and manufacturing sectors on an experimental basis to avoid social and economic risks posed by unemployed refugees. Malaysia should sign the 1951 Refugee Convention and its 1967 protocol because it is a member of the United Nations (UN) and party to many other major international human rights documents such as Convention against Torture and Other Cruel Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CAT) and Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) to name a few. Discussions and Case Questions What are the root causes of Rohingyas’ current statelessness situation and how should the Malaysian government tackle the issue? What are the challenges faced by Rohingya community organizations in integrating with the society? Should Malaysia look at improving the Rohingya children’s access to education or the community should take on the responsibility?


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