Liberalism, Adaptive Preferences, and Gender Equality

Hypatia ◽  
2005 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
pp. 127-143 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ann Levey

I argue that a gendered division of labor is often the result of choices by women that count as fully voluntary because they are an expression of preferences and commitments that reflect women's understanding of their own good. Since liberalism has a commitment to respecting fully voluntary choices, it has a commitment to respecting these gendered choices. I suggest that justified political action may require that we fail to respect some people's considered choices.

2020 ◽  
pp. 011719682097402
Author(s):  
Asuncion Fresnoza-Flot

Studies on “mixed” couples focus mainly on women’s perspectives, which results in the neglect of the viewpoints of men. Addressing this empirical gap, this research note investigates the case of Belgian and Dutch men in (former) relationship with Filipino women, and Filipino men (currently or previously) married to Belgian/Dutch women. Ethnographic data analysis unveils the importance of the traditional division of household chores to these men. Belgian and Dutch informants maintain a gendered division of labor in their respective households, whereas Filipino informants, whose Belgian/Dutch spouses pursue gender equality, adopt various strategies to regain their masculine self.


Author(s):  
Gina Schouten

This chapter critiques the prevailing strategy for defending gender-egalitarian political interventions as legitimate exercises of political power compliant with the neutrality constraint. According to this strategy, the gendered division of labor constitutes or causes unjust distributions of goods, and gender-egalitarian interventions can be legitimate means to remedy those unjust distributions. This strategy is appealing because of its apparent promise of justifying gender-egalitarian policies without making any judgments as to the relative value of gender-egalitarian and gender-inegalitarian lifestyles. I argue that, despite its appeal, this strategy is inadequate. First, the distributional strategy is not compliant with the neutrality constraint in the way that its proponents have claimed; second, independently of liberal legitimacy, the injustice of the gendered division of labor is not best diagnosed as distributional.


2000 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 468-485 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daša Šašić Šilović

Does accession to the European Union offer a chance to promote equality between men and women in societies in transition? What challenges does this process raise and how are they to be addressed? What is the role of trade unions and other social actors? The article attempts to open up a debate on these issues and to provide a positive matrix for influencing the empowerment of women and gender equality in the course of the accession procedure. Gender inequalities, it is pointed out, are not specific to applicant countries, but exist in most EU Member States. This offers an opportunity to initiate political, economic and social measures relating to gender equality throughout Europe, and to create an environment conducive to sustainable human development. Unfortunately, cases of positive social action are rare and gender issues are taken for granted, rendered invisible by neutral legislation and partial measures, and marginalised. The activities of trade unions in CEECs provide examples of such problems. Therefore, political action, the sharing of information, knowledge and lessons learned, as well as concerted action between trade unions from EU Member States and those in CEEC have the potential to radically change the map of gender inequalities to the benefit of all.


Author(s):  
Gina Schouten

This chapter considers the work of liberal feminists Christie Hartley and Lori Watson. Hartley and Watson argue that political liberalism can approve gender-egalitarian interventions on the grounds that gender inequality threatens citizenship. I agree with Hartley and Watson that the liberal concept of citizenship is the key to justifying progressive gender-egalitarian political interventions. I argue, however, that their argument establishes only that a hierarchal gendered division of labor threatens citizenship. This is problematic because the gendered division of labor is not essentially hierarchal, and morally objectionable harms inhere in its non-hierarchal components. Moreover, the policy initiatives licensed by a hierarchal diagnosis of the gendered division of labor could exacerbate the harms that inhere in its non-hierarchal features. Hartley and Watson’s argument may offer a partial reconciliation of liberalism and feminism, but on its own it could further entrench the injustice of the gendered division of labor.


Hypatia ◽  
2000 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
pp. 127-143 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ann Levey

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 207-232
Author(s):  
Sari Hanafi ◽  
Azzam Tomeh

Abstract This article discusses the debate on gender-equal inheritance in Tunisia. In it, Maeve Cooke’s conception of authoritarian versus non-authoritarian practical reasoning is applied to see whether binaries, like religious versus secular, are existent in the public debate on equal inheritance in Tunisia. The mapping of the debate shows the existence of three sets of arguments: jurisprudential/textual, sociological, and legal. Proponents of equal inheritance base their arguments primarily on legal, then sociological, then textual grounds, whereas law opponents base their arguments on textual, then legal, then sociological grounds. The weakness of the sociological arguments of law opponents is evident when stating that a gendered division of labor within the family still exists without providing statistics or empirical evidence to back up that claim. Through shared categories and grounds, the discussions in Tunisia share a common language in the public sphere, allowing for the reduction of authoritarian tendencies and longstanding polarization through public deliberation.


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