The Family Friendliness That Wasn’t: Access, but Not Progress, for Women in the Czech Judiciary

Despite the fact that three-fifths of Czech judges are women, it would be a mistake to consider the Czech judiciary “feminized”: it is characterized by vertical gender segregation and a slow “defeminization” in positions of power and influence. The key to understanding both women’s presence overall and absence at the top is the gendered division of labor, especially in the home. The same reason why many women enter the judiciary—better reconciliation of private and professional lives than in other legal professions—is the reason why women do not progress—their “second shift” at home prevents them from ascending the career ladder.

How to Put the Cart Behind the Horse in the Cultural Evolution of Gender

In The Origins of Unfairness, Cailin O’Connor develops a series of evolutionary game models to show that gender might have emerged to solve coordination problems in the division of labor. One assumption of those models is that agents engage in gendered social learning. This assumption puts the explanatory cart before the horse. How did early humans have a well-developed system of gendered social learning before the gendered division of labor? This paper develops a pair of models that show it is possible for the gendered division of labor to arise on more minimal assumptions.

Transgressing Hopi Gender Roles: A Spatial Study of Polingaysi Qoyawayma's No Turning Back

Native American cultures are constituted upon the gendered division of labor. The economic spaces are constructed upon gender roles that allocate specific roles to Native American men and women. The subsequent socio-economic patterns allocate spatially marginalized positions to the Native American woman in comparison with men. The present study explores Native American woman's transgression of traditional economic spaces of Native Americans in Polingaysi Qoyawayma's No Turning Back. This study employs Doreen Massey's theoretical formulation of economic space to understand the protagonist's transgression of Hopi gender roles. This study maintains that the protagonist of the novel subverts conventional Hopi division of labor by adopting subversive gender roles.

Mobilized Yet Contained: Popular Women, Feminisms, and Organizing around Venezuela’s 2012 Organic Labor Law

Venezuela’s state-led national-popular Bolivarian process opened up a new political field for feminism—an approach that was both institutional and popular, aiming to combine forces from above and from below and use state gender institutions to foment popular women’s organization. Yet this field was conflictual, containing contesting popular feminist projects with different implications for the gendered division of labor. Analysis of popular women’s organizing around Venezuela’s 2012 organic labor law shows that state adoption of feminism marked a gendered political opening for popularizing feminism while also presenting risks of state co-optation of popular women’s organizing. The state understood popular women’s organization and mobilization as central to the revolution, yet it generally attempted to limit their autonomy and organizing to challenge the gendered division of labor. El bolivarianismo nacional-popular liderado por el estado venezolano abrió un nuevo campo político para el feminismo: un enfoque que era tanto institucional como popular y cuyo objetivo era combinar fuerzas tanto de arriba como de abajo, así como utilizar las instituciones estatales de género para fomentar las organizaciones populares de mujeres. Sin embargo, este campo resultó conflictivo, y parte de su contenido impugnaba proyectos feministas populares con diferentes implicaciones para las divisiones de género en el trabajo. El análisis de la organización popular de las mujeres en torno a la ley orgánica del trabajo de Venezuela de 2012 muestra que la adopción estatal del feminismo marcó una apertura política de género con intenciones de popularizar el feminismo a la vez que presentaba el riesgo de que la organización popular de las mujeres fuera cooptada por el estado. El estado consideraba la organización y movilización popular de las mujeres como esenciales a la revolución. Sin embargo y hablando generalmente, se abocó a limitar su autonomía y organización cuando se trataba de desafiar las divisiones de género en el trabajo.

The Gendered Pastor

Chapter 1 first provides a historical account of events leading to the formation of the Cooperative Baptist Fellowship (CBF). It also serves as the theoretical foundation of the book and offers an in-depth description of Acker’s concept of gendered jobs. This chapter presents quantitative data illustrating the gendered division of labor across the entire CBF and utilizes survey data to explore congregants’ conceptions of the ideal pastor in relation to gender. This chapter illustrates how the position of senior pastor conflates with leadership and authority and, therefore, is inherently masculinized despite some feminized expectations. This means that if congregants assume essential gender differences between men and women beyond anatomy, then women will be less likely to secure these positions.

Gendered division of labor during a nationwide COVID-19 lockdown: Implications for relationship problems and satisfaction

COVID-19 lockdowns have required many working parents to balance domestic and paid labor while confined at home. Are women and men equally sharing the workload? Are inequities in the division of labor compromising relationships? Leveraging a pre-pandemic longitudinal study of couples with young children, we examine gender differences in the division and impact of domestic and paid labor during a nationwide COVID-19 lockdown ( N = 157 dyads). Women did more of the parenting and housework, whereas men engaged in more paid work and personal time, during the lockdown. Couple members agreed that women’s share of parenting, housework and personal time was unfair, but this did not protect women from the detrimental relationship outcomes associated with an inequitable share of domestic labor. A greater, and more unfair, share of parenting, housework and personal time predicted residual increases in relationship problems and decreases in relationship satisfaction for women. Exploratory analyses indicated that men who were the primary caregiver or were not working fulltime also experienced negative relationship outcomes when they did more housework and parenting. These results substantiate concerns that the COVID-19 pandemic may undermine advances toward gender equality by reinforcing inequitable divisions of labor, thereby damaging women’s relationship wellbeing.

Understanding the Relationship Between Sustainability and Ecofeminism in an Indian Context

This article looks closely at the relationship between gender and environment in the context of sustainability. It has been seen that without the inclusion of feminist concerns for gender equality, most environment public policy approaches will be incomplete and may even threaten to intensify women’s subordination. This is illustrated in this article through a case study from Nilgiris district of Tamil Nadu, India, wherein local organizations that operate successfully for environmental sustainability and women’s financial inclusion do not achieve gender equality due to the chokehold of patriarchy. The article is theoretically situated in Bina Agarwal’s idea that differences in attitudes to conservation between genders can stem primarily from the gendered division of economic resources, and the gendered division of labor. The article concludes that the relationship between women and nature in the Global South is a political issue that is fraught with power relations that operate at different scales and through different modalities.

“I think it is [the] mother who keeps things going”: The gendered division of labor in the transmission of memory of the Armenian Genocide

In this paper, we discuss what role gender plays in remembering, transmitting, and reframing memories of the Armenian Genocide in order to address the question of how young Armenian women negotiate their roles in this process. Centering the societal roles of memory transmission, we employ the specific sociological lens of gender to analyze 26 interviews conducted in Beirut during the week of the official commemorations of the Armenian Genocide in 2016. We define gender as the social construction of a stylized repetition of acts that reflect power relations. Accordingly, the examination of these power relations is necessary not only to understand the experiences and testimonies of men and women, but also the transmission of memory. While understanding Armenian youth as agents of the collective memory, gender allows us to discuss different patterns of remembrance and transmission. We therefore argue that gender influences how individuals remember the Armenian Genocide, as it underpins the (historically) assigned roles of memory and transmission.

Conditional Cash Transfers and Migration: Reconciling Feminist Theoretical Approaches With the New Economics of Labor Migration

In 2019, I published a study titled “Reexamining the Influence of Conditional Cash Transfers on Migration from a Gendered Lens,” to which Oded Stark has since issued a formal comment. This response has been written to address the major themes of Stark's comment. While the first three sections focus on specific items related to framing, selection bias, and endogeneity, the fourth and final section tackles a more substantive theoretical debate between Stark and me over how to conceptualize the New Economics of Labor Migration framework in relation to gender. In my original paper, I argued that conditional cash transfers (CCTs) are gendered in their program conditions in ways that promote a normative gendered division of labor and that constrain beneficiary women from migrating. I note here that Stark's primary issue with this point appears to be his contention that CCTs are not necessarily gendered but rather that women have a comparative advantage in completing housework and care work. My response first compares Stark's argument to that made by Gary Becker in A Treatise on the Family and engages with the literature that has emerged to critique Becker's own arguments regarding gendered comparative advantage. I then conclude my final section by offering some suggestions that might open a common theoretical path forward—one that insists on grounding microeconomic analyses of family behavior on assumptions that take gender and other aspects of culture and institutions seriously and one that also moves toward a bargaining model of microeconomic behavior rather than one that assumes consensus among all relevant actors.