Putting Big Data to Work in Government: The Case of the United States Border Patrol

Author(s):  
Stephen Coulthart ◽  
Ryan Riccucci
2020 ◽  
pp. 97-102
Author(s):  
Benjamin Wiggins

Can risk assessment be made fair? The conclusion of Calculating Race returns to actuarial science’s foundations in probability. The roots of probability rest in a pair of problems posed to Blaise Pascal and Pierre de Fermat in the summer of 1654: “the Dice Problem” and “the Division Problem.” From their very foundation, the mathematics of probability offered the potential not only to be used to gain an advantage (as in the case of the Dice Problem), but also to divide material fairly (as in the case of the Division Problem). As the United States and the world enter an age driven by Big Data, algorithms, artificial intelligence, and machine learning and characterized by an actuarialization of everything, we must remember that risk assessment need not be put to use for individual, corporate, or government advantage but, rather, that it has always been capable of guiding how to distribute risk equitably instead.


2015 ◽  
Vol 94 (7) ◽  
pp. 1127-1138 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruno C. Medeiros ◽  
Sacha Satram-Hoang ◽  
Deborah Hurst ◽  
Khang Q. Hoang ◽  
Faiyaz Momin ◽  
...  

Author(s):  
Robert Warren ◽  
Donald Kerwin

The Trump administration has made the construction of an “impregnable” 2,000-mile wall across the length of the US-Mexico border a centerpiece of its executive orders on immigration and its broader immigration enforcement strategy. This initiative has been broadly criticized based on: Escalating cost projections: an internal Department of Homeland Security (DHS) study recently set the cost at $21.6 billion over three and a half years; Its necessity given the many other enforcement tools — video surveillance, drones, ground sensors, and radar technologies — and Border Patrol personnel, that cover the US-Mexico border: former DHS Secretary Michael Chertoff and other experts have argued that a wall does not add enforcement value except in heavy crossing areas near towns, highways, or other “vanishing points” (Kerwin 2016); Its cost-effectiveness given diminished Border Patrol apprehensions (to roughly one-fourth the level of historic highs) and reduced illegal entries (to roughly one-tenth the 2005 level according to an internal DHS study) (Martinez 2016); Its efficacy as an enforcement tool: between FY 2010 and FY 2015, the current 654-mile pedestrian wall was breached 9,287 times (GAO 2017, 22); Its inability to meet the administration’s goal of securing “operational control” of the border, defined as “the prevention of all unlawful entries to the United States” (White House 2017); Its deleterious impact on bi-national border communities, the environment, and property rights (Heyman 2013); and Opportunity costs in the form of foregone investments in addressing the conditions that drive large-scale migration, as well as in more effective national security and immigration enforcement strategies. The Center for Migration Studies (CMS) has reported on the dramatic decline in the US undocumented population between 2008 and 2014 (Warren 2016). In addition, a growing percentage of border crossers in recent years have originated in the Northern Triangle states of Central America (CBP 2016). These migrants are fleeing pervasive violence, persecution, and poverty, and a large number do not seek to evade arrest, but present themselves to border officials and request political asylum. Many are de facto refugees, not illegal border crossers. This report speaks to another reason to question the necessity and value of a 2,000-mile wall: It does not reflect the reality of how the large majority of persons now become undocumented. It finds that two-thirds of those who arrived in 2014 did not illegally cross a border, but were admitted (after screening) on non-immigrant (temporary) visas, and then overstayed their period of admission or otherwise violated the terms of their visas. Moreover, this trend in increasing percentages of visa overstays will likely continue into the foreseeable future. The report presents information about the mode of arrival of the undocumented population that resided in the United States in 2014. To simplify the presentation, it divides the 2014 population into two groups: overstays and entries without inspection (EWIs). The term overstay, as used in this paper, refers to undocumented residents who entered the United States with valid temporary visas and subsequently established residence without authorization. The term EWI refers to undocumented residents who entered without proper immigration documents across the southern border. The estimates are based primarily on detailed estimates of the undocumented population in 2014 compiled by CMS and estimates of overstays for 2015 derived by DHS. Major findings include the following: In 2014, about 4.5 million US residents, or 42 percent of the total undocumented population, were overstays. Overstays accounted for about two-thirds (66 percent) of those who arrived (i.e., joined the undocumented population) in 2014. Overstays have exceeded EWIs every year since 2007, and 600,000 more overstays than EWIs have arrived since 2007. Mexico is the leading country for both overstays and EWIs; about one- third of undocumented arrivals from Mexico in 2014 were overstays. California has the largest number of overstays (890,000), followed by New York (520,000), Texas (475,000), and Florida (435,000). Two states had 47 percent of the 6.4 million EWIs in 2014: California (1.7 million) and Texas (1.3 million). The percentage of overstays varies widely by state: more than two-thirds of the undocumented who live in Hawaii, Massachusetts, Connecticut, and Pennsylvania are overstays. By contrast, the undocumented population in Kansas, Arkansas, and New Mexico consists of fewer than 25 percent overstays.  


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Fairooz Samy

<p><b>As the leading internet-distributed television platform (IDTVP) today, with over 200 millionworldwide subscribers, Netflix is a fascinating case-study through which to unpack thestrategies, innovations, and possibilities of internet-delivered television.</b></p> <p>This thesis argues that Netflix appropriates existing broadcast and premium cable networkpractices to produce original programming while using internet-originated tools, such as bigdata and algorithms, to continuously improve its interface design. The thesis demonstrateshow Netflix utilises internet discourses relating to television media, streaming, andtechnology, to contextualise subscribers’ interactions with, and consumption of, content onits platform, discursively and practically creating the ‘Netflix experience’.</p> <p>The thesis examines the ways in which Netflix supports its commissioning strategies bycontinuously developing technology that emphasizes personalisation, choice, and temporalflexibility, all while promoting its digital capabilities through self-mythologizing narratives. AsNetflix is constantly evolving in response to changes in the television industry (and is at timesinstigating these changes) this thesis includes industry discourse in the forms of pressreleases, advertising materials, and popular media journalism. Netflix’s framing withinpopular media, both through its own promotional material and across industry press,simultaneously creates, reinforces, and normalises IDTV delivery and viewing protocols.</p> <p>The thesis analyses Netflix’s use of big data and algorithms to ‘create value’ for subscribersby enhancing the user-friendliness and personalisation capabilities of its platform, both ofwhich increase viewer engagement with the Netflix interface. Also discussed are thecompany’s strategies for value creation, such as continuous playback, the skip intro feature,the ability to download episodes automatically for offline viewing, and others, all of whichincentivise temporally-flexible viewing habits, such as binge-watching. Additionally, the thesisinvestigates Netflix’s exploitation of its big data caches to market its original programmesdirectly to subscribers, circulate biased viewing figures pertaining to content on its platform,and categorise its viewers into ‘taste communities’.</p> <p>Domestically, Netflix’s role in the increasing consolidation of content owned by mediaconglomerates is discussed, notably Disney’s 2019 acquisition of 20th Century Fox and itstelevision holdings, and the subsequent effects of the deal on the licensing of Fox and Disney’sintellectual property (IP). Netflix’s upward trajectory in the United States illustrates theopenings and opportunities available to the company in the time immediately before the IDTVmodel became widespread amongst (now) multi-platform broadcast and cable networks,thanks in part to Netflix’s innovations in popularising IDTV protocols. The company tookadvantage of the US television industry’s existing economic and industrial constraints to builda catalogue of acquired content. The resulting popularity of certain (high-end serial drama)programmes (particularly those licensed from cable networks) helped Netflix to establish adomestic subscriber base while forecasting the importance of IP ownership.</p> <p>This thesis posits that the changes in the international regulation and provision of what is nowan established form of television delivery demonstrate the influence that Netflix, as thelargest purveyor of IDTV, has had in gaining entry into 190 countries over the past decade. Assuch, Netflix is an excellent representation of the international possibilities and successes ofIDTV. The thesis also interrogates how Netflix’s entry into original content commissioning hasinstigated broader changes in the legislation, commissioning, production, and reception ofIDTVP in markets such as Brazil, The United Kingdom, India, South Africa, and its domesticmarket of the United States. Internationally, this research examines Netflix’s investments ininternet infrastructure and physical infrastructure, in terms of buying its own production hubsin places like Spain, its relationships with non-US networks, and the legislative response tothe rapid growth of internationally-operating IDTVPs.</p> <p>The thesis investigates how Netflix’s willingness to outspend competitors and accrue debtallows it to build subscriber numbers, despite continuing to rely on acquired content, andincreasingly, co-produced and directly commissioned content with (non-US) networks(Dunleavy 2020). It argues that Netflix is pursuing a commissioning and branding strategy of‘international localisation’. The strategy cultivates cultural specificity in the form of locallanguage use, a story by a local writer-producer, the involvement of a local productioncompany, and partnerships with local casts and crews. This cultural specificity is thencombined with factors that allow local content to appeal to Netflix’s international subscriberbase, including accurately translated subtitling and dubbing in a variety of languages, as wellas adopting aspects of high-end serial drama programming, such as large budgets, highproduction values, and creatively-risky or adult themes. The concept of internationallocalisation is explored through the case studies of two Netflix-originated serial dramaprogrammes, Stranger Things (US) and Queen Sono (South Africa).</p> <p>Internet-delivered television is now a permanent fixture of the entertainment landscape.</p> <p>Multi-platform networks are the predominant group of television providers, with IDTVplatforms constituting an ever-growing part of these networks’ strategies. Increasing mediacompany conglomeration is going to result in the consolidation of intellectual property rightsfor programmes among an oligopoly of parent companies, making content origination evenmore crucial for television providers. These conditions occurred alongside the rise of Netflix,a company which, little more than a decade prior, was primarily a DVD rental service, andnow, in 2020, boasts availability in 190 countries. Netflix is not the ‘global network’ its CEOReed Hastings claims it to be. However, its successes and challenges uniquely represent theseismic changes in the industrial, economic, and technological circumstances of the televisionindustry over the past ten years.</p>


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 1-27
Author(s):  
Samuel Bazzi ◽  
Gordon Hanson ◽  
Sarah John ◽  
Bryan Roberts ◽  
John Whitley

During the 2008 to 2012 period, the US Border Patrol enacted new sanctions on migrants apprehended while attempting to enter the United States illegally. Using administrative records on apprehensions of Mexican nationals that include fingerprint-based IDs and other details, we detect if an apprehended migrant is subject to penalties and if he is later reapprehended. Exploiting plausibly random variation in the rollout of sanctions, we estimate econometrically that exposure to penalties reduced the 18-month reapprehension rate for males by 4.6 to 6.1 percentage points off of a baseline rate of 24.2 percent. These magnitudes imply that sanctions can account for 28 to 44 percent of the observed decline in recidivism in apprehensions. Further results suggest that the drop in recidivism was associated with a reduction in attempted illegal entry. (JEL K37, J15, J18)


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