scholarly journals Two-Year Systematic Study To Assess Norovirus Contamination in Oysters from Commercial Harvesting Areas in the United Kingdom

2012 ◽  
Vol 78 (16) ◽  
pp. 5812-5817 ◽  
Author(s):  
James A. Lowther ◽  
Nicole E. Gustar ◽  
Andrew L. Powell ◽  
Rachel E. Hartnell ◽  
David N. Lees

ABSTRACTThe contamination of bivalve shellfish with norovirus from human fecal sources is recognized as an important human health risk. Standardized quantitative methods for the detection of norovirus in molluscan shellfish are now available, and viral standards are being considered in the European Union and internationally. This 2-year systematic study aimed to investigate the impact of the application of these methods to the monitoring of norovirus contamination in oyster production areas in the United Kingdom. Twenty-four monthly samples of oysters from 39 United Kingdom production areas, chosen to represent a range of potential contamination risk, were tested for norovirus genogroups I and II by using a quantitative real-time reverse transcription (RT)-PCR method. Norovirus was detected in 76.2% (643/844) of samples, with all sites returning at least one positive result. Both prevalences (presence or absence) and norovirus levels varied markedly between sites. However, overall, a marked winter seasonality of contamination by both prevalence and quantity was observed. Correlations were found between norovirus contamination and potential risk indicators, including harvesting area classifications,Escherichia coliscores, and environmental temperatures. A predictive risk score for norovirus contamination was developed by using a combination of these factors. In summary, this study, the largest of its type undertaken to date, provides a systematic analysis of norovirus contamination in commercial oyster production areas in the United Kingdom. The data should assist risk managers to develop control strategies to reduce the risk of human illness resulting from norovirus contamination of bivalve molluscs.

2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 134-151
Author(s):  
Andrea Circolo ◽  
Ondrej Hamuľák

Abstract The paper focuses on the very topical issue of conclusion of the membership of the State, namely the United Kingdom, in European integration structures. The ques­tion of termination of membership in European Communities and European Union has not been tackled for a long time in the sources of European law. With the adop­tion of the Treaty of Lisbon (2009), the institute of 'unilateral' withdrawal was intro­duced. It´s worth to say that exit clause was intended as symbolic in its nature, in fact underlining the status of Member States as sovereign entities. That is why this institute is very general and the legal regulation of the exercise of withdrawal contains many gaps. One of them is a question of absolute or relative nature of exiting from integration structures. Today’s “exit clause” (Art. 50 of Treaty on European Union) regulates only the termination of membership in the European Union and is silent on the impact of such a step on membership in the European Atomic Energy Community. The presented paper offers an analysis of different variations of the interpretation and solution of the problem. It´s based on the independent solution thesis and therefore rejects an automa­tism approach. The paper and topic is important and original especially because in the multitude of scholarly writings devoted to Brexit questions, vast majority of them deals with institutional questions, the interpretation of Art. 50 of Treaty on European Union; the constitutional matters at national UK level; future relation between EU and UK and political bargaining behind such as all that. The question of impact on withdrawal on Euratom membership is somehow underrepresented. Present paper attempts to fill this gap and accelerate the scholarly debate on this matter globally, because all consequences of Brexit already have and will definitely give rise to more world-wide effects.


Author(s):  
Paul Craig

This chapter draws on the six dimensions of public law covered in the book: theory, institutions and accountability, constitutions and rights, process and procedure, legislation, and case law. It links discussion of these dimensions, by considering how they have been affected by Brexit. The chapter is not concerned with the contending arguments for leaving or remaining in the European Union. The focus is on the way in which Brexit has ‘pressure-tested’ the public law regime in the United Kingdom and the European Union. The six dimensions of public law that are discussed in the preceding chapters form the architectural frame through which the impact of Brexit on the public law regimes is assessed in both the United Kingdom and the European Union.


LOGOS ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mag. Alfonso Cossio Carlín

RESUMENEl Objetivo General de la presente investigación es determinar el impacto que ha tenido el Tratado de Libre Comercio entre Perú y la Unión Europea en las exportaciones peruanas de mangos al Reino Unido (Inglaterra, Irlanda del Norte, Escocia y Gales). Las causas de dicho incremento no solamente se basan en un acceso preferencial (eliminación de aranceles de importación) sino también al aumento en el consumo de dicha fruta por parte de los residentes del Reino Unido. Este Tratado de Libre Comercio forma parte de una estrategia comercial integral que busca convertir al Perú en un país exportador, consolidando más mercados para su portafolio de productos, desarrollando una oferta exportable competitiva y promoviendo el comercio y la inversión, para brindar mayores oportunidades económicas y mejores niveles de vida.Por lo que en el presente artículo se presentan los siguientes ítems:IntroducciónMaterial y MétodoResultadosConclusionesBibliografíaPalabras claves: Tratado de Libre Comercio, consumo de mango, acceso preferencial.SUMMARYThe general objective of this research is to determine the impact that has had the Free Trade Agreement between Peru and the European Union in Peruvian exports of mangoes to the United Kingdom (England, Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales). The causes of this increase not only rely on preferential access (elimination of import tariffs) but also to increased consumption of the fruit by UK residents.This FTA is part of a comprehensive business strategy that seeks to turn Peru into an exporter, consolidating more markets for its product portfolio, developing a competitive export supply and promoting trade and investment, to provide greater economic opportunities and improved living standards.So in this article, the following items are presented:• Introduction• Material and Methods• Results• Conclusions• BibliographyKeywords: Free Trade, consumption of mango, preferential access.


Moldoscopie ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 34-42
Author(s):  
Svetlana Cebotari ◽  
◽  
Carolina Budurina-Goreacii ◽  

The exit of Great Britain from the European Union, “Brexit”, respectively “British exit”, has become one of the most important processes that trouble and concern the European world and not only. The impact of Brexit on British-European relations is considerable. Withdrawal of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland from the European Community. were argued by a series of arguments that can be grouped according to three major considerations: economic, political and security. Analyzing Brexit, it can be seen that the separation of the United Kingdom from the European Union is a phenomenon that can only bring disadvantages to both parties, as well as European security. Regarding the security of the two entities, Brexit is considered as a risk, but also an opportunity for Great Britain, as well as for the states of the European Union. This article aims to highlight the main consequences of Brexit on British-European relations, including the British Overseas Territories.


2019 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 157-171 ◽  
Author(s):  
John O’Brennan

The vote by the electorate of the United Kingdom to leave the European Union in 2016 was one in which the impact of Brexit on the island of Ireland and on UK-Irish relations hardly figured. Within months, however, the ‘Irish border problem’ was centre stage. The deterioration in UK-Irish relations in the 2 years following the referendum was profound and marked the first stage in the potential unravelling of the deep interdependence which had come to characterise relations between Dublin and London by virtue of their shared membership of the European Union since 1973. A significant ‘reverse asymmetry of power’ emerged from the United Kingdom’s relative isolation in the Brexit negotiations and Ireland’s privileged position as an European Union insider. In an increasingly turbulent international arena, the retreat from integration set in train by Brexit also threatened the Good Friday Agreement and the institutions and processes put in place to manage North–South and East–West relations after 1998.


Author(s):  
Piotr Teodorowski

Liberal states simultaneously pursue policies of encouraging and controlling (un)desired immigration. Forces of representative democracy, nationhood, constitutionalism, and capitalism - each call for distinct migration strategy. Previous research focusing on attitudes towards migration used quantitative methods examining values and perceptions that influence people’ opinions. Still, it did not explore the diversity and complexity of sentiments. This paper aims to provide a more nuanced perspective based on tweets at and around the last day of the British membership in the European Union (31 January 2020). Data were collected using NCapture- a web-browser extension which downloaded tweets with hashtags #Brexit, #BrexitDay and #BrexitEve, and imported them directly to NVivo. Seven batches of tweets were captured on 30-31 January and 1, 7-10 February; extracting 250,095 published between 23 January and 10 February. All retweets, duplicates, non-English tweets and spam were removed; leaving 888 tweets for the analysis. The dataset was coded twice; assigning sentiments towards Brexit as positive (n=203), negative (n=586) or neutral (n=99), and using inductive thematic analysis.The findings showed the division of discourse on migration were more complicated than merely in favour and against immigration. Interestingly, they also exhibited the shift in the British debate from benefits and drawbacks of immigration to the reciprocity of migration policies in the future relations between the United Kingdom and the European Union.


Politeja ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (6(63)) ◽  
pp. 43-64
Author(s):  
Marcin Kleinowski

The article presents the results of research on the impact of the United Kingdom’s withdrawal from the European Union on Poland’s ability to build small, minimalblocking coalitions in the Council of the European Union. To this end, the theory of voting games was used, but departing from the assumption that the creation of each possible coalition of players is equally likely. It was also assumedthat they do not necessarily make decisions independently of each other, and the analysis focuses on the ability to build minimally blocking coalitions. The obtained results indicate that after Brexit, for Poland to build a blocking coalition in opposition to the German-French tandem will be a very difficult task, and the loss of the United Kingdom as a potential coalition partner in the Council may be irreplaceable in some matters.


2021 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 315-341
Author(s):  
James Harrison

There was a concern following the 2016 Brexit referendum that environmental standards in the United Kingdom (UK) may be lowered unless action was taken to address gaps in environmental governance that would be caused by leaving the European Union (EU). Debates over the nature of those gaps and how to fill them have continued over the years since the referendum and it is only recently that the emerging picture of post-Brexit environmental governance in Scotland has been revealed, allowing a preliminary study of the future for environmental standards in the jurisdiction. This article aims to provide an overview and analysis of recent legal developments which are likely to influence the future of environmental law in Scotland, including the UK-EU Trade and Cooperation Agreement, the United Kingdom Internal Market Act, the incorporation of environmental principles into Scots law, new powers to align Scottish environmental standards with EU law, and the new institutional framework to oversee compliance with environmental law in Scotland. The article considers the impact that these new arrangements will have on the development of Scottish environmental law and in particular the implications for Scottish institutions in deciding whether to promote ongoing continuity with EU law, promote convergence with other parts of the UK, or strike out on their own path of environmental law reform.


2017 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 543-557 ◽  
Author(s):  
Graham K Wilson

The unexpected victories of Donald Trump in the United States 2016 Presidential campaign and of the Leave campaign in the British referendum on membership in the European Union have important similarities in terms of campaign strategy, rhetoric and social bases of support. They are exemplars of a wave of right-wing populism that has swept across advanced democracies. The triumph of Brexit also raises questions about the future relationship between the United Kingdom and United States. While it is too early to be certain about either the impact of Brexit or the future direction of the Trump Administration, and despite ties between the Trump Administration and British politicians who campaigned for or subsequently supported Brexit, the United Kingdom could become much less useful as a diplomatic and economic partner to the United States after leaving the European Union.


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