EU–China Trade and Investment Relations in Turbulent Times: A European Perspective

Author(s):  
Filip Abraham ◽  
Yannick Bormans ◽  
Jan Van Hove
2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 1117 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vasilii Erokhin ◽  
Li Diao ◽  
Peiran Du

More stable value chains in agriculture allow countries to take the best advantage of their factor endowments and thus achieve the UN Sustainable Development Goal on ending hunger. It is, however, difficult to interpret such advantages properly due to the multivariate effects of natural, technological, and economic variables on agricultural output and food supply. The authors attempt to tackle this challenge by developing the approach to the identification of competitive advantages and matching them with the production capabilities of agricultural sectors in Central Asia. The application of Revealed Comparative Advantage (RCA), Relative Trade Advantage (RTA), Lafay Competitive Advantage (LI), and Domestic Resource Costs (DRC) indexes to the array of 37 products results in the revealing of comparative, trade, competitive, and production advantages of five Central Asian economies for labor-intensive horticultural products and grains. Capital and technology-intensive sectors of animal husbandry and food processing are recognized as low competitive. Taking Central Asia–China collaboration as a model, the authors elaborate policy measures aimed at support, promotion, or establishment of competitive advantages. The application of the measures facilitates the concentration of the resources toward competitive and conditionally competitive products, allows to protect fragile advantages in marginally competitive sectors, and contributes to the overall improvement of stakeholders’ performance across agricultural value chains in the region.


2019 ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
KHOO BOO TEIK

Malaysia’s Mahathir Mohamad stands in a delicate position vis-à-vis China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The BRI’s Silk Road-like scenarios of transcontinental rail links to extend market-facilitated trade and investment have a place within a ‘Mahathirist imaginary’ that opposes inequities in a western-ruled global order and sees hope for the ‘rise of Asia’. In vision he shares the ‘Chinese Dream’ of resurrecting ancient land and maritime trade routes as an ‘imperative of globalization’ despite attempts by others to entangle the BRI in narratives of geopolitics long repugnant to his deep non-aligned convictions. His unprecedented resumption of premiership in May 2018 gave Mahathir a dream-like chance to engage with the BRI but he has been jolted by some Malaysian-China projects contracted in the name of the BRI by the Najib Razak-headed regime (2009–2018). Concerned that those projects could strain Malaysia’s debt burden and undermine its sovereignty Mahathir must balance his support for BRI with undoing some of its local manifestations without jeopardizing long-term Malaysia-China trade, investment and diplomatic relations.


1993 ◽  
Vol 136 ◽  
pp. 711-745 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert F. Ash ◽  
Y. Y. Kueh

Economic integration is essentially a process of unification – the means whereby coherence is imposed upon previously separate, even disparate, geographical regions. It may be pursued as a domestic or international goal, although the simultaneous attainment of both may prove elusive. Recent efforts towards the creation of formal trans-national, regional economic identities, whether North American (NAFTA), European (EC) or Asian-Pacific (APEC), have sometimes been perceived as a threat to the establishment of a truly integrated global economy. By contrast, the remarkable degree of economic integration already achieved between southern China and Hong Kong (and, latterly, Taiwan) might ironically have a fissiparous effect on China's domestic economy. From this point of view, there is a danger that increasing economic integration within Greater China could threaten China's national economic identity, or at least compel its re-definition.


1998 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 474-477
Author(s):  
Lawrence C. Reardon

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