CHINA’S BELT AND ROAD INITIATIVE: A VIEW FROM A MAHATHIRIST IMAGINARY

2019 ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
KHOO BOO TEIK

Malaysia’s Mahathir Mohamad stands in a delicate position vis-à-vis China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The BRI’s Silk Road-like scenarios of transcontinental rail links to extend market-facilitated trade and investment have a place within a ‘Mahathirist imaginary’ that opposes inequities in a western-ruled global order and sees hope for the ‘rise of Asia’. In vision he shares the ‘Chinese Dream’ of resurrecting ancient land and maritime trade routes as an ‘imperative of globalization’ despite attempts by others to entangle the BRI in narratives of geopolitics long repugnant to his deep non-aligned convictions. His unprecedented resumption of premiership in May 2018 gave Mahathir a dream-like chance to engage with the BRI but he has been jolted by some Malaysian-China projects contracted in the name of the BRI by the Najib Razak-headed regime (2009–2018). Concerned that those projects could strain Malaysia’s debt burden and undermine its sovereignty Mahathir must balance his support for BRI with undoing some of its local manifestations without jeopardizing long-term Malaysia-China trade, investment and diplomatic relations.

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-31
Author(s):  
Collins C Ajibo

China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is expected to link the world to a gigantic trade and investment corridor, with China at the centre of the new multilateralism. Since its announcement in 2013, China has taken significant steps to actualise its vision through massive investment in infrastructure in the belt-road regions supported by Chinese financial institutions, including the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB). Critics argue that BRI is a covert means for China to exert greater influence on the global trade and investment landscape but China has countered this. Nevertheless, emerging evidence indicates that, beyond the promotion of trade and investment, China is using BRI to export overcapacity, internationalise renminbi, promote cultural diplomacy, secure resources and redefine the global order. Hence, African countries stand in danger of neocolonialism unless they optimise the partnership with China to foster a win-win situation. In particular, African countries must recognise the significance of deft management of unsustainable Chinese loans that may entrap them in future, embedding more transparency in contract bidding for infrastructure investment, insisting on capacity building and skill spillovers and ensuring that transnational dispute settlement with Chinese enterprises is adjudicated in a neutral venue, if African courts lack the jurisdiction to entertain the matter.


2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 117-135
Author(s):  
Siew Yean Tham ◽  
Andrew Kam Jia Yi ◽  
Tee Beng Ann

This study examines the potential impact of the current trade war between the United States and China on Malaysia's trade and investment. For solar exports, the immediate impact from 2017 to 2018 shows that gross and domestic exports to the United States have fallen but re-exports have increased, and Malaysia's exports and re-exports to China have increased. Excluding solar, the increase in gross exports to the United States is borne by re-exports. The possibility of increased investment, as firms relocate from China, is high given the growing presence of China's investment in Malaysia since the announcement of the Belt and Road Initiative.


Author(s):  
Adnan Khalaf i Hammed Al-Badrani ◽  
Hind Ziyad Nafeih

The Belt and Road Initiative is an initiative to revive the ancient Silk Road, through networks of land and sea roads, oil and gas pipelines, electric power lines, the Internet and airports, to create a model of regional and international cooperation.       It is essentially a long-term development strategy, launched by the Chinese president in 2013 to become the main engine of Chinese domestic policy and foreign diplomacy and within the framework of the soft power strategy, to enhance its position and influence in the world as a peaceful and responsible country.   The study includes identifying the initiative and setting goals for China, as well as the challenges and difficulties that hinder the initiative.


2018 ◽  
Vol 01 (02) ◽  
pp. 1850012
Author(s):  
Vincent F. Yip

Singapore is currently facing economic realities and geo-political headwinds that bear many similarities to those that brought about the decline and eventual obsolescence of Dunhuang, the desert oasis city in northwest China that once served as the strategic fulcrum of the prosperous Silk Road, connecting East and West for more than a thousand years. Ideological differences and practical conflicts of interest with an emerging China threaten to sideline Singapore and even render it irrelevant as China continues to pursue its ambitious Belt and Road Initiative. Singapore is experiencing an existential crisis unlike any it has encountered in its past 53 years of independence. A prudent strategic response would be for Singapore to emulate the Swiss model of political balance among nations, maintain its traditional neutrality and rely on its unique strategic/economic strengths in order to ensure the small republic’s survival and long-term prosperity in a region facing tumultuous upheavals in the remainder of the 21st century.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jack T. Lee ◽  
William Yat Wai Lo ◽  
Dana Abdrasheva

Abstract Theoretical ideas about globalization and internationalization of higher education emphasize the tension among different ideologies of higher education. According to literature, a competition among states, economy, knowledge, and status generates this tension to drive higher education development. This theoretical understanding not only shapes our global imaginations but also permeates the organizational behavior of universities. In this paper, we focus on the institutional logics that motivate universities in Kazakhstan to engage with China’s ambitious Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). We investigate the ways that Kazakhstani higher education interprets and responds to China’s vision of a global order. Based on interviews conducted at 10 higher education institutions (HEIs) in Kazakhstan, we argue that Kazakhstan’s engagement with the BRI circumvents the cultural connectivity and global cooperation that are embraced by Chinese policy discourse and perpetuated by academic literature. Rather, institutional leaders in Kazakhstan operate with a utilitarian logic that seeks revenue generation, links with industry, and opportunities for students in employment and further education. The pursuit of these strategic outcomes demonstrates a bilateral engagement with China rather than the multilateral cooperation envisioned by policymakers. In a higher education system dominated by the state, the institutions in our study exhibit partial agency to accrue pragmatic benefits rather than concede to isomorphic pressures or mimic internationalization from neoliberal contexts. The discrepancy between policy discourse from China and policy reception in Kazakhstan raises questions about the rhetoric of a multipolar global order and the realities of international cooperation in higher education.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 175-193 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mesafint Tarekegn Yalew ◽  
Guo Changgang

This article analyses the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and its implications for landlocked Ethiopia. Primary and secondary data sources are used to solicit viable information. The BRI is aimed to enhance policy coordination, financial integration, promote trade and investment, cultural exchanges and people-to-people relations across a wide geographical area involving Asia, Europe and Africa. The BRI is the next step in China’s global strategy after the reform and opening-up period, and it is important for job creation, infrastructural development, trade and investment and other related developments for landlocked least developing countries such as Ethiopia. For instance, the construction of the early BRI project of Addis Ababa–Djibouti railway has reduced transport costs and shortened the transport time from 3 days to 10 hours. Besides, the establishment of the East African Free Trade Agreement (FTA) at Djibouti by the Chinese government to facilitate trade in the region. Cumulatively, the BRI contributes to the growth of trade and investment opportunities for landlocked Ethiopia in terms of financing, infrastructure development and regional integration.


2021 ◽  
pp. 205789112110414
Author(s):  
Daniel Rajmil ◽  
Lucía Morales ◽  
Bernadette Andreosso-O’Callaghan

The economic and political influence of China in the Asian region is growing amidst global geopolitical challenges. Economic corridors such as the new Silk Road have been identified as enablers of strategic growth and geo-economic power development in a context of significant political instability. Beijing's strategic approach and the importance of Pakistan and Iran to its aspiration to realise China's dream through its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) are examined in this comparative study. The rising role of China in the region and its engagement with Iran and Pakistan and the part that these two countries can play need careful attention. Political and economic joint interests have brought together these three countries with significant links to China's economic corridor and energy projections. But the future of the partnership is very fragile as it is characterised by historical hostilities between Iran and Pakistan that can act as a major impendiment to China's ability to progress. In addition, economic and trade figures show an unbalanced relationship that clearly favours Chinese interests. The BRI and the Chinese plans for those territories still remain blurry as any long-term crisis that characterises fragile and complex international alliances.


Author(s):  
Patrick Meehan ◽  
Sai Aung Hla ◽  
Sai Kham Phu

How are development zones “made” in conflict-affected borderlands? Addressing this question, this chapter explores the transformation of the Myanmar-China border town of Muse since 1988. Despite ongoing armed conflict in northern Myanmar, Muse has become the country’s most important border development zone and today handles more than 80% of licit overland Myanmar-China trade. It is also a key border hub in China’s Belt and Road Initiative. Policy narratives typically claim that borderland development and regional economic integration offer an antidote to violence, criminality, and illegal practices. This chapter challenges these narratives. It demonstrates how long-standing forms of informal public authority and illegality have become deeply embedded in the technologies of governance that have underpinned Muse’s rise.


Author(s):  
Natalia G. Rogozhina ◽  

The article analyzes the consequences of Laos' participation in the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative. The benefits acquired and possible losses are assessed. The construction of a railway in Laos, linking it to China, is the most successful Belt and Road project in Southeast Asia, which has a special place in China's strategic plans. The railway construction project is of great economic importance for Laos and in the future can stimulate its economic growth. At the same time, there is a risk of falling into debt dependence on China. The ability of Laos to meet its debt obligations will depend on the profitability of the project, which, however, raises many questions, since the project is more focused on the short-term interests of China than on the long-term interests of Laos. Whether Laos will be able to economically benefit from the construction of the railway remains questionable. But there is no doubt that China will benefit. China will not only strengthen economic presence in this country, relying on the support of the local elite, but also use Laos as a springboard to move deeper into Southeast Asia.


Author(s):  
Zhang Chun

The Horn of Africa (HoA) is on the threshold of a long-term transformation as the result of a confluence of political, economic, and social changes, namely, generational political leadership turnover as a reflection of the rise of a younger population; a palpable shift in governance approach from a “security-first” model to a “development-centered” one; and the return of geopolitics across the Red Sea, following global and regional political realignments. To steer the transformation in a sustainable and peaceful direction, the HoA has to enlist the assistance of external actors both as a source of trade and investment and as guarantors of regional peace and stability. This region-wide transformation presents challenges and opportunities for the implementation of the Chinese-proposed Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Beijing should better align the economic connectivity-focused BRI with the development-centered approach of regional states, build national and regional capacity for HoA security governance, and join local and external actors in a multilateral effort to ensure a peaceful, secure, and economically dynamic HoA.


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