Middle-Power Cooperation in the Indo-Pacific Era

2020 ◽  
Vol 56 (02) ◽  
pp. 2040009
Author(s):  
YOSHIHIDE SOEYA

In an Indo-Pacific era characterized by a strategic clash between the US-led Indo-Pacific strategy and the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative, middle-power cooperation needs to be re-conceptualized. Traditional ASEAN-centered processes and institutions may be strengthened if not replaced by a new type of middle-power cooperation involving “external countries” to ASEAN such as Japan, Australia, India, and South Korea.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (15) ◽  
pp. 1439-1447
Author(s):  
Siti Nurhasanah ◽  
Marthen Napang ◽  
Syaiful Rohman

The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) was initiated by Xi Jinping after being elected as the president of China in 2012. BRI connects Asia, Africa, and Europe based on shared-destiny to created trade routes integrates main centers of economic vitality. This project gave benefit for all participating countries, such as providing help for poorer regions. Even China created a financial system that supports this project, called The Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) and The New Development Bank (NDB). China's efforts to expand its influence in the world are similar to US efforts in the 19th century, known as Manifest Destiny. Americans believed that the US is destined to expand the territories westward approaching Pacific Ocean and spreading democracy. This effort is also highly related to their belief that the US is a City upon a Hill. There was some belief that the US becomes a great country that leads other nations in the world. The focus of this paper is two American beliefs in the context of China's effort to increasing its economic and military power in the world by reactivating the Silk route. The author uses the concept of Tianxia as City upon a Hill and Manifest Destiny in Chinese version in analyzing China's measures to increase its strength on an international level. The author will further analyze how these beliefs being adopted by Chinese government in realizing its dream of regaining the glory of managing silk-road, making it the new silk-road. Keywords: Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), New Silk Route, Manifest Destiny, City upon a Hill, Tianxia



2020 ◽  
Vol V (III) ◽  
pp. 175-183
Author(s):  
Zafar Iqbal Yousafzai ◽  
Inamullah Jan ◽  
Nasreen Akhtar

This article aims at examining China's contemporary interests in post-9/11 Afghanistan. China's diplomatic engagement started in post-Taliban Afghanistan, yet it did not take any part in the US military campaign. Sine the US-Taliban engagement for peace talks, Beijing has been playing an active role and hosted a number of Taliban delegations for the peace process. The article argues the security threat from Afghanistan, vast natural resources in Afghanistan; concern of narcotic flow from Afghanistan; the market for Chinese goods, and most importantly, Chin's Belt and Road initiative needs a stable and peaceful Afghanistan are the main factors Beijing is active vis-�-vis contemporary Afghanistan. China's active socio-economic, political, and diplomatic rendezvous in Afghanistan will not only bring peace and stability to Afghanistan but will also augment China's political thump at the global level and provide it with a peaceful neighbourhood, the market for its goods and a corridor for its Belt and Road Initiative.



2019 ◽  
Vol 56 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 79-91
Author(s):  
S. Frederick Starr

To date, the US response to the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in Central Asia and the Caucasus has been calm, if not tacitly supportive. Two main reasons for this are: (a) the reopening of age-old east–west trade corridors as one of the most important legacies of the collapse of the USSR and (b) it views the engagement of both China and Europe in east–west trade across Central Asia as furthering the Central Asians’ own ability to achieve balanced and positive relations between all the major powers, thereby constraining hegemonic aspirations from any quarter. Further, the United States supports the emergence of Central Asia as a defined world region akin to ASEAN or the Nordic Council and believes that reforms under way in Uzbekistan and elsewhere in the region serve that end as well as increase east–west and west–east trade across the region. Finally, the United States realizes that the ultimate judgement on the viability of BRI in Central Asia and the Caucasus will be that of the market and not geopolitics.



2021 ◽  
pp. 204382062110177
Author(s):  
Weidong Liu

There has been a wave of discourses about Chinese geopolitics along with the quick rise of China, particularly with the Belt and Road Initiative and recent rivalry between the US and China. An et al.’s (2021) ‘Towards a Confucian Geopolitics’ opens a new door to such discourses. While welcoming the notion of hybrid Confucian geopolitics proposed by their article, this commentary raises several critical questions. These questions concern whether everything about China should be interpreted through geopolitical reasoning, whether Confucianism is fundamental and deterministic in contemporary Chinese culture, what is really special to new Chinese geopolitics if anything, and whether China’s Belt and Road Initiative can be understood as a cultural project. Answers to these questions may help to consolidate a new Chinese geopolitics.



Author(s):  
Thomas Chan Man Hung

Introduction. Belt and Road Initiative of China is not something novel. It is the present-day continuation of the millennium-old Eurasian Silk Road that had been disrupted by the colonial expansion of the European powers. After the Cold War even the US and EU have attempted to restore the old Silk Road but with limited success. It was only in 2013 when the Chinese Government announced the Initiative that the world, not just the great powers, has begun once again to speak and think of the revival of the old Silk Road with enthusiasm.



2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (12) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Jui-Lung Chen ◽  
Hsiung-Shen Jung

The Belt and Road Initiative advocated by China is expecting to assist in the infrastructure and financing of participating countries and promote free trade through cooperation with countries along the Belt and Road. China hopes to lead the regional economic integration process through investment-driven trade. Out of geopolitical considerations, Russia and India initially held a relatively negative or cautious attitude towards the Belt and Road Initiative. Therefore, Russia proposed the concept of the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU) in 2011 in order to unite the other independent ASEAN countries based on the customs alliance consisting of Russia, Belarus, and Kazakhstan, and thus create a supranational consortium, which in turn have the ability to compete and cooperate with the Belt and Road Initiative proposed by China. In 2014, India launched the Indian version of the Belt and Road Initiative, named Project Mausam, expecting to promote the integration of economic and trade exchanges around the Indian Ocean with India as the center. However, after recent strikes by the trade war, China actively seeks assistance from India and Russia in order to break through the US trade blockade. During the G20 summit held in Japan in June 2019, China, India, and Russia held a three-party talk. After the talk, the three countries issued a joint statement claiming that “they shall undertake more global responsibilities to protect the fundamental and long-term interests of the three countries themselves and the world”, which seems to have opened up opportunities for future cooperation among the three countries. Therefore, this paper explores the competitive and cooperative relationship among China, India, and Russia under the Belt and Road Initiative.



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