Caribbean women: changes in the works

1992 ◽  
Vol 66 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 89-94
Author(s):  
María Isabel Quiñones-Arocho
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Puerto Rican ◽  
Psychosocial Development ◽  
The United States ◽  
Work And Family ◽  
Women's Status ◽  
Puerto Rican Women ◽  
Women’S Status ◽  
Caribbean Women ◽  
The Impact

[First paragraph]The women of Azua: work and family in the rural Dominican Republic, by BARBARA FINLAY. New York: Praeger, 1989. xi + 190 pp. (Cloth US$ 35.00)The psychosocial development of Puerto Rican women, edited by CYNTHIA T. GARCIA COLL & MARIA DE LOURDES MATTEI. New York: Praeger, 1989. xiii + 272 pp. (Cloth US$ 45.00)Women and the sexual division oflabour in the Caribbean, edited by KEITH HART. Mona, Jamaica: Consortium Graduate School of Social Sciences, UWI, 1989. 141 pp. (Paper n.p.)The three books under review work have a common theme: the impact of changing gender expectations on Caribbean women. The authors are mainly concerned with recent political and economie changes that might have contributed to either the improvement or deterioration of women's status in these societies. The questions raised by the contributors are strikingly similar: What has been the impact of dependent economie development on women's lives and has this resulted in increased labor participation (a problem explored for rural Dominican women as well as for Jamaican and Barbadian women) or in the migration to metropolitan centers, with its psychosocial consequences (an issue raised for Puerto Rican women living in the United States)? If patriarchal values (often referred to as traditional values) prevail in these societies, then what impact might wage work, migration, or improved education have on those values? Could it be the disintegration of the nuclear family with an increased proportion of female-headed households (Hart), higher rates of mental illness as a result of dysfunctional aceulturation (Garcia Coll and Mattei), or even an improvement of women's status within their families and communities (Finlay)?

Caring for Labor History

2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 65-69
Author(s):  
Emma Amador
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Puerto Rico ◽  
Puerto Rican ◽  
Labor History ◽  
The United States ◽  
Care Work ◽  
Reproductive Politics ◽  
Domestic Worker ◽  
Puerto Rican Women ◽  
History Of

This essay charts how the author’s interest in labor history and the history of care work were inspired by her own family history of migrations from Puerto Rico to the United States. It considers how her grandmother’s stories about being a child needle worker in Puerto Rico and a migrant domestic worker in New York led her to think critically about the connections and overlap between the home and workplace in the lives of Puerto Rican women. As a student, investigating her personal history led her to discover a rich tradition of Puerto Rican feminist labor history that raised questions about reproductive politics and caring labor that remain pressing in our contemporary moment.

Do Stock Markets Catch the Flu?

2013 ◽  
Vol 48 (3) ◽  
pp. 979-1000 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brian C. McTier ◽  
Yiuman Tse ◽  
John K. Wald
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
New York ◽  
New York City ◽  
Stock Markets ◽  
The United States ◽  
Trading Activity ◽  
Market Makers ◽  
International Data ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Bid Ask Spreads

AbstractWe examine the impact of influenza on stock markets. For the United States, a higher incidence of flu is associated with decreased trading, decreased volatility, decreased returns, and higher bid-ask spreads. Consistent with the flu affecting institutional investors and market makers, the decrease in trading activity and volatility is primarily driven by the incidence of influenza in the greater New York City area. However, the effect of the flu on bid-ask spreads and returns is related to the incidence of flu nationally. International data confirm our findings of a decrease in trading activity and returns when flu incidence is high.

Strangers in the City: Transmigration from Eastern Europe and its Impact on Berlin and Hamburg 1880–1914

2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 223-246
Author(s):  
Tobias Brinkmann
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
New York ◽  
Eastern Europe ◽  
The United States ◽  
Urban Traffic ◽  
European Cities ◽  
Massive Growth ◽  
Transit Migration ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The City

This article examines the impact of transit migration from the Russian and Austro-Hungarian Empires on Berlin and Hamburg between 1880 and 1914. Both cities experienced massive growth during the last three decades of the nineteenth century, and both served as major points of passage for Eastern Europeans travelling to (and returning from) the United States. The rising migration from Eastern Europe through Central and Western European cities after 1880 coincided with the need to find adequate solutions to accommodate a rapidly growing number of commuters. The article demonstrates that the isolation of transmigrants in Berlin, Hamburg (and New York) during the 1890s was only partly related to containing contagious disease and ‘undesirable’ migrants. Isolating transmigrants was also a pragmatic response to the increasing pressure on the urban traffic infrastructure.

Sonny Bravo, Típica 73, and the New York Sound

2020 ◽  
pp. 82-150
Author(s):  
Benjamin Lapidus
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Puerto Rico ◽  
Puerto Rican ◽  
Historical Context ◽  
The United States ◽  
Mexican Descent ◽  
Direct Result ◽  
Depth Study ◽  
And Performance ◽  
New Yorkers

This chapter focuses on an in-depth study of Elio Osácar a.k.a. Sonny Bravo, whose career as an arranger and performer began in the 1950s. It examines the rise, fall, and return of Típica 73, a pan-ethnic salsa group representative of the period 1973–80 that featured musicians from Panama, Dominican Republic, Cuba, Puerto Rico, and New Yorkers of Cuban, Puerto Rican, and Mexican descent. The chapter recounts the story of a group who covered contemporary Cuban songs and pushed the boundaries of tradition through their instrumentation and performance. It introduces some key band members such as Sonny Bravo and Johnny Rodríguez who represented important New York–based familial and musical lineages. Their success was a direct result of musical innovation and negotiation. The band came to an abrupt end after a career-defining trip to Cuba, where they recorded with Cuban counterparts. Upon their return to the United States, they were branded as communist sympathizers. Ultimately, the chapter presents musical transcriptions of Bravo's arrangements and solos and places his music and his family, via his own father's musical career, within the historical context of early-twentieth-century Cuban migration to Tampa, Miami, and New York.

The Puerto Rican Diaspora to the United States

Puerto Rico ◽  
2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jorge Duany
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
New York ◽  
New York City ◽  
Puerto Rican ◽  
York City ◽  
The United States ◽  
Puerto Rican Diaspora

What is the Puerto Rican Day Parade? The Puerto Rican Day Parade (Desfile Puertorriqueño) in New York City is the most visible display of Puerto Rican identity in the United States. The parade was first held in 1959 as an offshoot of the...

scholarly journals Drug use and Visual-Motor Integration in a Sample of Hispanic Women

2019 ◽  
Vol 34 (7) ◽  
pp. 1249-1249
Author(s):  
B Diaz
Keyword(s):  
Puerto Rican ◽  
Illicit Drugs ◽  
Drug Consumption ◽  
Cross Sectional ◽  
Puerto Rican Women ◽  
Visual Motor Integration ◽  
Neurocognitive Functions ◽  
Significant Difference ◽  
Visual Motor ◽  
The Impact

Abstract Objective The use of illicit drugs has increased dramatically over the past two decades among Hispanics. Neurocognitive impairments and morphological alterations have been linked to the use of drugs among the Hispanic population. However, even when increased attention is paid to the impact of drug consumption on neurocognitive functions among Hispanics, the majority of publications have been limited to male samples. This is relatively important, considering that women who consume illicit drugs appear to be more vulnerable in developing drug dependence and exhibit more neurocognitive impairment when compared to men. The present study aims to determine the impact of drug consumption in the visual-motor integration in a sample of Puerto Rican women. Our hypothesis was that Puerto Rican women who consume illicit drugs would perform poorly on visual-motor integration when compared to non-consumers. Participants and Method A total of 59 Puerto Rican women participated in this cross-sectional study. The participants were divided into three groups according to the criteria of: consumers, non-consumers, and abstinence. To evaluate the visual-motor integration, we administered the neuropsychological Bender-Gestalt-II test to all participants. Results A Kruskal-Wallis analysis revealed that there was a statically significant difference in the visual-motor integration between groups (H(2) = 12.69, p = 0.02), with a mean rank of 28 for consumers, 40 for non-consumers, and 21 for abstinence group. However, there was no significant difference between the abstinence and consumer groups in their visual-motor integration (p = .217). Conclusions These results suggest that the use of drugs can impact some neurocognitive functions, such as visual-motor integration in women, and can lead to a decline in such functions- even after sustained abstinence.

Thomas, Piri

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arnaldo M. Cruz-Malavé
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
American Literature ◽  
Puerto Rican ◽  
Social Activism ◽  
The United States ◽  
Literary Canon ◽  
Subject Formation ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
And Performance ◽  
Minority Literatures

Initially censored, shunned, or ignored by the literary establishment, both in the United States and Puerto Rico, New York Puerto Rican author Piri Thomas’s 1967 autobiographical coming-of-age story, Down These Mean Streets, gained great visibility as a sociological document when it was first published, garnering much media attention and recognition for Thomas as a spokesman for the New York Puerto Rican community, a role that he embraced as part of his social activism. But Thomas’s work, which includes the sequel to Down These Mean Streets—Savior, Savior, Hold My Hand; a prison memoir, Seven Long Times; a book of short stories, Stories from El Barrio; and performance and poetry, would not acquire canonical literary status as founding a new U.S. Puerto Rican or Nuyorican literature until the 1980s when critics in American universities began to introduce Nuyorican literature as part of a curricular revision of the U.S. literary canon that sought to include minority literatures in American college courses. In the 1990s, Thomas’s status as a founding figure of Nuyorican literature and identity would give way to a more complex view of him as an author, as queer and feminist scholars of color began to examine the relationship of race and national and ethnic identity and belonging to questions of gender and sexuality in his writing. Thomas would then emerge as a more ambiguous, intercultural, and intersectional author, indeed as emblematic of the in-between or abject zone that the hierarchical binaries of dominant discourses of race, national, and ethnic belonging often situated Latino/as in, invisibilizing them. If in the late 1960s and early 1970s Thomas’s work became representative of the communities and subcultures whose voices were elided in American society, in the 1990s young U.S. Latino/a writers would adopt his work as emblematic of a resistant Afro-Latino otherness that could be deployed against an increasingly homogenizing version of Latinidad or Latino/a identity as a racially and ethnically unified commodity in the plural neoliberal American literary and cultural market. Since the 2000s, readings of Thomas’s work have continued to address the topic of otherness in his work, interrogating its normalization and focusing on the psychoanalytic and political issues of racial melancholia, introjection, and the status of lack in subject formation in his writing. Another trend has set about situating Thomas’s writing at the intersection between colonial and diasporic metropolitan racial formations, connecting it with Puerto Rico’s racialized literary canon, Caribbean “intra-colonial” diasporic relations, and Filipino American literature and culture. Yet another line of research has focused on the author’s narrative and performative choices rather than on his abject condition. And his performance in poetry has begun to get some well-deserved critical attention. All in all, the challenge of Thomas criticism remains the ability of scholars to establish a dialogue between the aporias and impasses that his writing is situated in (that is, questions of racial abjection and coloniality) and his skill and imagination as a writer and performer, between what he characterizes, on the one hand, as the “bullets” and, on the other, as the “butterflies” that constitute and propel his writing.

Puerto Ricans in the United States

2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lorrin Thomas
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
New York ◽  
Puerto Rican ◽  
Community Organizing ◽  
Local Politics ◽  
Puerto Ricans ◽  
The United States ◽  
Basic Material ◽  
Community Control ◽  
The Political

Puerto Rican migrants have resided in the United States since before the Spanish-Cuban-American War of 1898, when the United States took possession of the island of Puerto Rico as part of the Treaty of Paris. After the war, groups of Puerto Ricans began migrating to the United States as contract laborers, first to sugarcane plantations in Hawaii, and then to other destinations on the mainland. After the Jones Act of 1917 extended U.S. citizenship to islanders, Puerto Ricans migrated to the United States in larger numbers, establishing their largest base in New York City. Over the course of the 1920s and 1930s, a vibrant and heterogeneous colonia developed there, and Puerto Ricans participated actively both in local politics and in the increasingly contentious politics of their homeland, whose status was indeterminate until it became a commonwealth in 1952. The Puerto Rican community in New York changed dramatically after World War II, accommodating up to fifty thousand new migrants per year during the peak of the “great migration” from the island. Newcomers faced intense discrimination and marginalization in this era, defined by both a Cold War ethos and liberal social scientists’ interest in the “Puerto Rican problem.” Puerto Rican migrant communities in the 1950s and 1960s—now rapidly expanding into the Midwest, especially Chicago, and into New Jersey, Connecticut, and Philadelphia—struggled with inadequate housing and discrimination in the job market. In local schools, Puerto Rican children often faced a lack of accommodation of their need for English language instruction. Most catastrophic for Puerto Rican communities, on the East Coast particularly, was the deindustrialization of the labor market over the course of the 1960s. By the late 1960s, in response to these conditions and spurred by the civil rights, Black Power, and other social movements, young Puerto Ricans began organizing and protesting in large numbers. Their activism combined a radical approach to community organizing with Puerto Rican nationalism and international anti-imperialism. The youth were not the only activists in this era. Parents in New York had initiated, together with their African American neighbors, a “community control” movement that spanned the late 1960s and early 1970s; and many other adult activists pushed the politics of the urban social service sector—the primary institutions in many impoverished Puerto Rican communities—further to the left. By the mid-1970s, urban fiscal crises and the rising conservative backlash in national politics dealt another blow to many Puerto Rican communities in the United States. The Puerto Rican population as a whole was now widely considered part of a national “underclass,” and much of the political energy of Puerto Rican leaders focused on addressing the paucity of both basic material stability and social equality in their communities. Since the 1980s, however, Puerto Ricans have achieved some economic gains, and a growing college-educated middle class has managed to gain more control over the cultural representations of their communities. More recently, the political salience of Puerto Ricans as a group has begun to shift. For the better part of the 20th century, Puerto Ricans in the United States were considered numerically insignificant or politically impotent (or both); but in the last two presidential elections (2008 and 2012), their growing populations in the South, especially in Florida, have drawn attention to their demographic significance and their political sensibilities.

Franklin D. Roosevelt and US Foreign Relations

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Graham Cross
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
New York ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Foreign Relations ◽  
Active Role ◽  
The United States ◽  
American People ◽  
World War ◽  
The World ◽  
The Impact

Franklin D. Roosevelt was US president in extraordinarily challenging times. The impact of both the Great Depression and World War II make discussion of his approach to foreign relations by historians highly contested and controversial. He was one of the most experienced people to hold office, having served in the Wilson administration as Assistant Secretary of the Navy, completed two terms as Governor of New York, and held a raft of political offices. At heart, he was an internationalist who believed in an engaged and active role for the United States in world. During his first two terms as president, Roosevelt had to temper his international engagement in response to public opinion and politicians wanting to focus on domestic problems and wary of the risks of involvement in conflict. As the world crisis deepened in the 1930s, his engagement revived. He adopted a gradualist approach to educating the American people in the dangers facing their country and led them to eventual participation in war and a greater role in world affairs. There were clearly mistakes in his diplomacy along the way and his leadership often appeared flawed, with an ambiguous legacy founded on political expediency, expanded executive power, vague idealism, and a chronic lack of clarity to prepare Americans for postwar challenges. Nevertheless, his policies to prepare the United States for the coming war saw his country emerge from years of depression to become an economic superpower. Likewise, his mobilization of his country’s enormous resources, support of key allies, and the holding together of a “Grand Alliance” in World War II not only brought victory but saw the United States become a dominant force in the world. Ultimately, Roosevelt’s idealistic vision, tempered with a sound appreciation of national power, would transform the global position of the United States and inaugurate what Henry Luce described as “the American Century.”

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