Generalised Trust, Institutional Trust and Political Participation

2014 ◽  
Vol 42 (6) ◽  
pp. 695-721 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harris Hyun-soo Kim
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Linear Models ◽  
Institutional Trust ◽  
Exact Nature ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
Political Behaviour ◽  
Democratic Rights ◽  
The Relationship

The main objective of this study is to examine the role of trust as it relates to individual political behaviour. Previous research suggests that social (generalised) trust and political (institutional) trust are associated with the likelihood of getting involved in both informal and formal political activities. Despite the large volume of studies, however, the extant scholarship is not clear on the exact nature of the relationship between trust and civic engagement. Moreover, the existing evidence is largely based on data that consist of Western-developed democracies. This study seeks to contribute to the literature by examining the associations between the two forms of trust and informal (signing a petition, boycotting, protesting) and formal (voting) political activities in the context of Central and Southeast Asia. The data come from AsiaBarometer Survey (2005), which contains cross-national data on probability samples from this region. Hierarchical linear models are estimated to examine the political impact of trust in strangers and confidence in political institutions. Findings show that only institutional trust is significantly related to voting, i.e., formal political participation. On the other hand, both forms of trust are found to be associated with informal political activities. There is also cross-level interaction between institutional trust and level of democracy. In a less democratic country, where individual democratic rights are limited, institutional trust plays a greater role in facilitating political participation.

scholarly journals Relationship between Cycling Infrastructure and Transportation Cycling in a Small Urban Area

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 99-112
Author(s):  
Richard Larouche ◽  
Nimesh Patel ◽  
Jennifer L. Copeland
Keyword(s):  
Generalized Linear Models ◽  
Qualitative Data ◽  
Linear Models ◽  
The Other ◽  
Small City ◽  
The Road ◽  
The Past ◽  
Low Prevalence ◽  
The Relationship

The role of infrastructure in encouraging transportation cycling in smaller cities with a low prevalence of cycling remains unclear. To investigate the relationship between the presence of infrastructure and transportation cycling in a small city (Lethbridge, AB, Canada), we interviewed 246 adults along a recently-constructed bicycle boulevard and two comparison streets with no recent changes in cycling infrastructure. One comparison street had a separate multi-use path and the other had no cycling infrastructure. Questions addressed time spent cycling in the past week and 2 years prior and potential socio-demographic and psychosocial correlates of cycling, including safety concerns. Finally, we asked participants what could be done to make cycling safer and more attractive. We examined predictors of cycling using gender-stratified generalized linear models. Women interviewed along the street with a separate path reported cycling more than women on the other streets. A more favorable attitude towards cycling and greater habit strength were associated with more cycling in both men and women. Qualitative data revealed generally positive views about the bicycle boulevard, a need for education about sharing the road and for better cycling infrastructure in general. Our results suggest that, even in smaller cities, cycling infrastructure may encourage cycling, especially among women.

Corruption, Business Climate, and Economic Growth

2015 ◽  
pp. 1156-1179
Author(s):  
Harish C. Chandan
Keyword(s):  
Economic Growth ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Business Environment ◽  
Domestic Investment ◽  
Business Climate ◽  
Transparency International ◽  
Leadership Management ◽  
Economic Freedom Index ◽  
The Relationship

Corruption is globally pervasive. Defined as abuse of entrusted power for private gain (Transparency International, 2013), corruption represents a set of economic, social, cultural, and political practices that are secretive and rooted in greed, ambition, or quest for power. This chapter reviews causes of corruption including the macro- and micro-level determinants of corruption such as leadership, management, and organizational culture. Various subjective and objective measures of corruption are discussed. Transparency International's Corruption Perception Index (CPI) and Heritage Foundation's Economic Freedom Index (EFI) are reviewed. The World Bank's Business Environment and Enterprise Performance Survey (BEEPS), Doing Business Indicator (DBI), and World Bank Institute's Governance Indicator (WBI-GI) are also reviewed, as is the role of global anti-corruption agencies and various instruments. Additionally, the relationship between corruption and foreign domestic investment, economic growth, and economic and political institutions are considered, as are anti-corruption intervention strategies for corruption and business ethics training.

Relational Rules and Communist Single-Party Regimes

2021 ◽  
pp. 90-142
Author(s):  
Graeme Gill
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Authoritarian Regimes ◽  
Major Focus ◽  
Symbolic Function ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Relational Rules ◽  
The Individual ◽  
The Relationship

Relational rules structure the relationship between the oligarchs and the elite, and the oligarchs and the institutions of the regime. The chapter analyses how the 11 relational rules functioned in the Soviet Union and China over the life of the respective regimes. It explains how the oligarchs sought to insulate themselves from below and, in looking at the role of political institutions, tackles the idea that institutions serve little more than a symbolic function in authoritarian regimes. A major focus is also the power of the individual leader, its nature and bases and how this related to those institutions.

scholarly journals Democracy's Deficit: The Role of Institutional Contact in Shaping non-White Political Behavior

2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-31 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcela García-Castañon ◽  
Kiku Huckle ◽  
Hannah L. Walker ◽  
Chinbo Chong
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Citizen Participation ◽  
Asian American ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Informal Institutions ◽  
Racial Groups ◽  
Community Group ◽  
Voter Mobilization ◽  
Positive Effect

AbstractThis paper examines the effect of institutional contact on political participation among non-White communities. While both formal and informal institutions help shape community citizen participation, their effects vary on the historical inclusion (or exclusion) of certain racial groups. Formal institutions, like political parties, have historically excluded or neglected non-White and immigrant voters. We argue that for the excluded or neglected, non-traditional political institutions, like community based organizations, serve as supplements to facilitate political incorporation and engagement. These informal institutions help develop skills and resources among their constituents, and offer routine opportunities to participate. We use the 2008 Collaborative Multi-racial Post-Election Survey (CMPS) to test the differential effects of self-reported voter mobilization through nonpartisan and partisan institutional contact to explain variations among racial groups by the intensity of contact, occurrence of co-ethnic outreach, and type of institutional mobilization. We find that while contact by a partisan/political institution, like a political party or campaign, has an overall positive effect on political participation for all voters, contact by a nonpartisan/civic or community group is substantively more important for Latino and Asian American voter mobilization. Our analysis therefore offers cohesive evidence of how voters interact with and are affected by mobilization efforts that attends to differences across racial and ethnic boundaries, and variations in institutional contact.

scholarly journals Support for insider parties: The role of political trust in a longitudinal-comparative perspective

2020 ◽  
pp. 135406882097692
Author(s):  
Constanza Sanhueza Petrarca ◽  
Heiko Giebler ◽  
Bernhard Weßels
Keyword(s):  
Cross Section ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political Trust ◽  
Data Sources ◽  
Institutional Trust ◽  
Window Of Opportunity ◽  
Aggregate Level ◽  
Electoral Support ◽  
Electoral Performance

European democracies have experienced drastic changes in electoral competition. Voter support for insider parties that have traditionally governed has declined while support for radical and populist parties has increased. Simultaneously, citizens’ declining political trust has become a concern, as confidence in political institutions and actors is low across numerous countries. Interestingly, the linkage between political trust and support for insider parties has not been empirically established but deduced from the fact that outsider parties are often supported by dissatisfied citizens. We address this gap adopting both an institutional- and an actor-centered approach by investigating whether trust in parliaments and in parties is associated with the electoral performance of insider parties on the aggregate level. Combining different data sources in a novel way, we apply time-series cross-section models to a dataset containing 30 countries and 137 elections from 1998 to 2018. Our results show that when political trust is low, particularly institutional trust, insider parties receive less electoral support. Hence, we provide empirical evidence that decreasing levels of political trust are the downfall of insider parties, thereby opening a window of opportunity for challenging outsider parties.

The influence of various measures of health on different types of political participation

Politics ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 39 (4) ◽  
pp. 480-513 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Stockemer ◽  
Carolin Rapp
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Negative Relationship ◽  
Health Indicators ◽  
European Social Survey ◽  
Daily Activities ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Daily Lives ◽  
Political Behaviour ◽  
Reported Health ◽  
The Relationship

Recent research in political behaviour suggests that poor health can be an impediment for individuals to vote. At the same time, researchers argue that health may both hinder and reinforce other forms of political participation. With respect to these ambiguous expectations, our study asks: does the relationship between health and political involvement depend on how we measure health? We answer this question for two of the most widely used health indicators, self-reported health and being hampered by illness in daily activities. We use the European Social Survey (ESS) (N = 35,000) covering 20 European countries and find that the measurement of health indeed matters: our results illustrate that bad self-reported health is an impediment to voting, but not to other forms of political activity. When it comes to our second indicator, being hampered in daily activities, we also find a negative relationship with voting. Yet, our results also indicate that most individuals, who are hampered by illness in their daily lives, have a tendency to participate more regularly in most other forms of political activity, including boycotting, contacting a politician, or signing a petition. Robustness checks including waves 1–6 of the ESS support these findings.

scholarly journals Exploring the role of token frequency in phonological change: evidence from TH-Fronting in east-central Scotland

2009 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-55 ◽  
Author(s):  
LYNN CLARK ◽  
GRAEME TROUSDALE
Keyword(s):  
Word Frequency ◽  
Sound Change ◽  
Exact Nature ◽  
Lexical Frequency ◽  
East Central ◽  
Using Data ◽  
Motivating Factor ◽  
Phonological Change ◽  
The Relationship

Recent research on frequency effects in phonology suggests that word frequency is often a significant motivating factor in the spread of sound change through the lexicon. However, there is conflicting evidence regarding the exact nature of the relationship between phonological change and word frequency. This article investigates the role of lexical frequency in the spread of the well-known sound change TH-Fronting in an under-researched dialect area in east-central Scotland. Using data from a corpus of conversations compiled over a two-year period by the first author, we explore how the process of TH-Fronting is complicated in this community by the existence of certain local variants which are lexically restricted, and we question to what extent the frequency patterns that are apparent in these data are consistent with generalisations made in the wider literature on the relationship between lexical frequency and phonological change.

Madzi-Manga, Mhondoro and the use of oral traditions—a chapter in Barue religious and political history

1973 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 395-409 ◽  
Author(s):  
Allen Isaacman
Keyword(s):  
Political History ◽  
Religious Practice ◽  
Oral Traditions ◽  
Exact Nature ◽  
Entire Process ◽  
The Relationship

This study seeks to redefine the ritual significance of the madzi-manga through the use of Barue oral traditions. It goes beyond a redefinition of the ritual to study the entire process of investiture, the role of the senior mhondoro in Barue society, and the exact nature of the relationship between the Barue and the Portuguese. It concludes that the madzi-manga represented neither a Catholic baptism nor a syncretic religious practice, as has been previously argued. Rather, it was the traditional medium through which the sacred qualities of kingship were transrnitted.

scholarly journals COURTS, COURTIERS, AND CULTURE IN TUDOR ENGLAND

2003 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 703-722 ◽  
Author(s):  
NATALIE MEARS
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political Action ◽  
Cultural Influences ◽  
Political Community ◽  
Tudor England ◽  
Political Role ◽  
Methodological Problems ◽  
Court Politics ◽  
The Relationship

Geoffrey Elton's model of Tudor politics, which emphasized the importance of political institutions and which dominated our understanding of Tudor politics for much of the second half of the twentieth century, has been challenged by a number of historians for over twenty years. They have re-emphasized the importance of social connections and cultural influences and turned attention away from studying the privy council to studying the court. In doing so, they have gone back to re-examine earlier approaches by Sir John Neale and Conyers Read which Elton had challenged. Yet, these new socially and culturally derived approaches, recently labelled ‘New Tudor political history’, remain varied and its practitioners sometimes at odds with each other. Focusing on both established seminal works and recent research, this review considers the different elements of these approaches in relation to Tudor court politics. It assesses the methodological problems they raise and identifies what shortcomings still remain. It demonstrates that Tudor politics are increasingly defined as based on social networks rather than institutional bodies, making issues of access to, and intimacy with, the monarch central. Our understanding has been further enhanced by exploration of political culture and its relationship to political action. However, the review points to the need to integrate more fully the political role of women and the relationship between the court and the wider political community into our understanding of Tudor politics, as well as place England into a European context.

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