scholarly journals Support for insider parties: The role of political trust in a longitudinal-comparative perspective

2020 ◽  
pp. 135406882097692
Author(s):  
Constanza Sanhueza Petrarca ◽  
Heiko Giebler ◽  
Bernhard Weßels

European democracies have experienced drastic changes in electoral competition. Voter support for insider parties that have traditionally governed has declined while support for radical and populist parties has increased. Simultaneously, citizens’ declining political trust has become a concern, as confidence in political institutions and actors is low across numerous countries. Interestingly, the linkage between political trust and support for insider parties has not been empirically established but deduced from the fact that outsider parties are often supported by dissatisfied citizens. We address this gap adopting both an institutional- and an actor-centered approach by investigating whether trust in parliaments and in parties is associated with the electoral performance of insider parties on the aggregate level. Combining different data sources in a novel way, we apply time-series cross-section models to a dataset containing 30 countries and 137 elections from 1998 to 2018. Our results show that when political trust is low, particularly institutional trust, insider parties receive less electoral support. Hence, we provide empirical evidence that decreasing levels of political trust are the downfall of insider parties, thereby opening a window of opportunity for challenging outsider parties.

2021 ◽  
pp. 001139212110485
Author(s):  
Yida Zhai

The past few decades have witnessed a radical religious revival in China, where economic inequality has been sharply increasing as well. This study examines the impact of religion on the Chinese public’s perceptions of income disparity and political trust. The findings show that there is a significant difference in the perceived fairness of personal income distribution between religious and non-religious people. As the opiate thesis on religion predicts, religious beliefs are positively associated with a high level of perceived fairness about personal and national income distribution. Such perceptions of fairness contribute to fostering citizens’ trust in both political institutions and government officials. However, contrary to the opiate thesis, religious beliefs are negatively associated with institutional trust. Moreover, religious beliefs offset the positive effect of the perceived fairness of income distribution on institutional trust. Hence, when income distribution is perceived to be unfair, institutional trust declines more drastically among religious believers than among their non-religious counterparts.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vladislav Krivoshchekov ◽  
Olga Gulevich

According to the Self-Determination Theory, the social context — the actions of those around us — promotes or hinders the autonomy need satisfaction. The latter, in turn, improves the attitudes toward the people around. Most of the studies that have demonstrated this relationship have been conducted in the proximal social context (family, school, organizations). At the same time, few studies examined the role of the distal social context (culture, political system, economic structure of society). We aimed to examine the relationship between the political regime, autonomy need satisfaction, and trust in political institutions. To examine the link, we used data from two waves of the European Values Study (2008, 2017). The results revealed that the political regime (as estimated by Freedom House Index) was positively associated with one’s reported autonomy need satisfaction. However, the former was not related to the trust in political institutions. In addition, autonomy need satisfaction was positively associated with political trust in the police, the justice system, parliament, government, and political parties. However, the severity of this link, in some cases, varied between the regimes: it was more pronounced in more democratic countries than in less democratic ones.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1069031X2110226
Author(s):  
Vasileios Davvetas ◽  
Aulona Ulqinaku ◽  
Gülen Sarial Abi

Global crises become increasingly more frequent and consequential. Yet, the impact of these crises is unevenly distributed across countries, leading to discrepancies in (inter)national crisis-regulating institutions’ ability to uphold public trust and safeguard their constituents’ well-being. Employing the paradigm of citizens as customers of political institutions, drawing on attribution and socio-political trust theories, and using the COVID-19 pandemic as empirical context, we investigate how consumers’ relative perceptions of local impact following a global crisis affect the psychological processes of institutional trust-formation and consumer well-being. Conducting one survey-based study in two countries affected disproportionately by the pandemic’s first wave (USA, Greece) and one experimental study in a third country (Italy) during the pandemic’s second wave, we find that institutional trust declines more in countries whose citizens hold perceptions of higher relative local impact following a global crisis; institutional blame attributions explain trust erosion; institutional distrust decreases consumer well-being and adherence to institutional guidelines; consumers’ globalization attitudes immunize international institutions from blame and distrust; and political conservatives transfer blame and distrust from national to international institutions amidst global crises. The findings enrich institutional branding and trust literatures and have implications for stakeholders involved in global crisis-management (policymakers, political marketers, institutional brand managers).


2018 ◽  
Vol 72 (3) ◽  
pp. 744-759 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brandon Beomseob Park

How do sanctions affect incumbent electoral performance during elections? Although existing literature suggests that sanctions may shorten or prolong incumbent tenure, we are less informed about their role in incumbent electoral fortunes. This research argues that sanctions hurt incumbents’ vote shares because citizens are more likely to hold their elected officials accountable for sanction-induced economic hardships and political instabilities. It also argues that the electoral punishment is pronounced in less democratic countries because sanctions, together with elections, significantly limit dictator’s co-optation strategy and open a greater window of opportunity for once repressed opposition groups in a repressive regime. Using 381 multiparty elections in seventy-nine countries between 1972 and 2012, this research finds that sanctions deteriorate the incumbent electoral performance, and they do so for autocratic leaders more than the democratic leaders. This study has important implications about the potential accountability in autocracies, the timing of sanctions imposition, the role of oppositions’ mobilization, and broadly speaking, the role of sanctions in democratization.


2014 ◽  
Vol 42 (6) ◽  
pp. 695-721 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harris Hyun-soo Kim

The main objective of this study is to examine the role of trust as it relates to individual political behaviour. Previous research suggests that social (generalised) trust and political (institutional) trust are associated with the likelihood of getting involved in both informal and formal political activities. Despite the large volume of studies, however, the extant scholarship is not clear on the exact nature of the relationship between trust and civic engagement. Moreover, the existing evidence is largely based on data that consist of Western-developed democracies. This study seeks to contribute to the literature by examining the associations between the two forms of trust and informal (signing a petition, boycotting, protesting) and formal (voting) political activities in the context of Central and Southeast Asia. The data come from AsiaBarometer Survey (2005), which contains cross-national data on probability samples from this region. Hierarchical linear models are estimated to examine the political impact of trust in strangers and confidence in political institutions. Findings show that only institutional trust is significantly related to voting, i.e., formal political participation. On the other hand, both forms of trust are found to be associated with informal political activities. There is also cross-level interaction between institutional trust and level of democracy. In a less democratic country, where individual democratic rights are limited, institutional trust plays a greater role in facilitating political participation.


Author(s):  
Kenneth Newton ◽  
Dietlind Stolle ◽  
Sonja Zmerli

During recent years, empirical trust research has significantly advanced our understanding about the interdependencies of social and political trust. This progress can mostly be attributed to major improvements of measurement instruments in survey research. Research on the causes of both forms of trust have examined the top-down approach of trust building, which places importance on fair and impartial political institutions, such as the police and judiciary, as well as societal accounts of trust building that relate to the role of social networks and parents as well as perceptions of inequality. While there is a modest relationship between social forms of trust and political forms of trust, research has not entirely disentangled the flow of causality between the two. Recent insights into contextual and individual-level covariates of social and political trust may hold answers regarding future developments and political and societal consequences.


Author(s):  
Xudong Weng ◽  
Peter Rez

In electron energy loss spectroscopy, quantitative chemical microanalysis is performed by comparison of the intensity under a specific inner shell edge with the corresponding partial cross section. There are two commonly used models for calculations of atomic partial cross sections, the hydrogenic model and the Hartree-Slater model. Partial cross sections could also be measured from standards of known compositions. These partial cross sections are complicated by variations in the edge shapes, such as the near edge structure (ELNES) and extended fine structures (ELEXFS). The role of these solid state effects in the partial cross sections, and the transferability of the partial cross sections from material to material, has yet to be fully explored. In this work, we consider the oxygen K edge in several oxides as oxygen is present in many materials. Since the energy window of interest is in the range of 20-100 eV, we limit ourselves to the near edge structures.


Author(s):  
Georg Menz

This new and comprehensive volume invites the reader on a tour of the exciting subfield of comparative political economy. The book provides an in-depth account of the theoretical debates surrounding different models of capitalism. Tracing the origins of the field back to Adam Smith and the French Physiocrats, the development of the study of models of political-economic governance is laid out and reviewed. Comparative Political Economy (CPE) sets itself apart from International Political Economy (IPE), focusing on domestic economic and political institutions that compose in combination diverse models of political economy. Drawing on evidence from the US, the UK, France, Germany, Sweden, and Japan, the volume affords detailed coverage of the systems of industrial relations, finance, welfare states, and the economic role of the state. There is also a chapter that charts the politics of public and private debt. Much of the focus in CPE has rested on ideas, interests, and institutions, but the subfield ought to take the role of culture more seriously. This book offers suggestions for doing so. It is intended as an introduction to the field for postgraduate students, yet it also offers new insights and fresh inspiration for established scholars. The Varieties of Capitalism approach seems to have reached an impasse, but it could be rejuvenated by exploring the composite elements of different models and what makes them hang together. Rapidly changing technological parameters, new and more recent environmental challenges, demographic change, and immigration will all affect the governance of the various political economy models throughout the OECD. The final section of the book analyses how these impending challenges will reconfigure and threaten to destabilize established national systems of capitalism.


Author(s):  
J. Alexander Branham ◽  
Christopher Wlezien

Do election campaigns matter? This chapter examines whether and how they do. It considers when they occur, what they do, and what effects they can have. Although candidates and parties would like to directly persuade individuals, it is difficult to detect those kinds of effects at the aggregate level since the effects are small and polling is imprecise. The chapter then introduces the “timeline” of elections and how we can observe preferences change and harden as the election approaches. This method allows us to test various hypotheses, such as whether political institutions matter for the evolution of electoral preferences over the timeline. The chapter concludes with a discussion of mobilization, which is a cost-effective way that campaigns can persuade people to vote who would not have otherwise.


2020 ◽  
pp. 074391562098472
Author(s):  
Lu Liu ◽  
Dinesh K. Gauri ◽  
Rupinder P. Jindal

Medicare uses a pay-for-performance program to reimburse hospitals. One of the key input measures in the performance formula is patient satisfaction with their hospital care. Physicians and hospitals, however, have raised concerns especially about questions related to patient satisfaction with pain management during hospitalization. They report feeling pressured to prescribe opioids to alleviate pain and boost satisfaction survey scores for higher reimbursements. This over-prescription of opioids has been cited as a cause of current opioid crisis in the US. Due to these concerns, Medicare stopped using pain management questions as inputs in its payment formula. We collected multi-year data from six diverse data sources, employed propensity score matching to obtain comparable groups, and estimated difference-in-difference models to show that, in fact, pain management was the only measure to improve in response to pay-for-performance system. No other input measure showed significant improvement. Thus, removing pain management from the formula may weaken the effectiveness of HVBP program at improving patient satisfaction, which is one of the key goals of the program. We suggest two divergent paths for Medicare to make the program more effective.


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