scholarly journals Democracy's Deficit: The Role of Institutional Contact in Shaping non-White Political Behavior

2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-31 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcela García-Castañon ◽  
Kiku Huckle ◽  
Hannah L. Walker ◽  
Chinbo Chong

AbstractThis paper examines the effect of institutional contact on political participation among non-White communities. While both formal and informal institutions help shape community citizen participation, their effects vary on the historical inclusion (or exclusion) of certain racial groups. Formal institutions, like political parties, have historically excluded or neglected non-White and immigrant voters. We argue that for the excluded or neglected, non-traditional political institutions, like community based organizations, serve as supplements to facilitate political incorporation and engagement. These informal institutions help develop skills and resources among their constituents, and offer routine opportunities to participate. We use the 2008 Collaborative Multi-racial Post-Election Survey (CMPS) to test the differential effects of self-reported voter mobilization through nonpartisan and partisan institutional contact to explain variations among racial groups by the intensity of contact, occurrence of co-ethnic outreach, and type of institutional mobilization. We find that while contact by a partisan/political institution, like a political party or campaign, has an overall positive effect on political participation for all voters, contact by a nonpartisan/civic or community group is substantively more important for Latino and Asian American voter mobilization. Our analysis therefore offers cohesive evidence of how voters interact with and are affected by mobilization efforts that attends to differences across racial and ethnic boundaries, and variations in institutional contact.

Author(s):  
Lise Rakner ◽  
Vicky Randall

This chapter examines the role of institutions and how institutionalism is applied in the analysis of politics in the developing world. It begins with a discussion of three main strands of institutionalism: sociological institutionalism, rational choice institutionalism, and historical institutionalism. It then considers political institutions in developing countries as well as the interrelationship between formal and informal institutions. Three cases are presented: the case from sub-Saharan Africa illustrates the salience of neo-patrimonial politics and competing informal and formal institutions, the second case relates to campaign clientelism in Peru and the third is concerned with electoral quotas in India. The chapter concludes by addressing the question of the extent to which the new institutionalism is an appropriate tool of analysis for developing countries.


2018 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Kang Hye Jin ◽  
Park Eun Hyung

This study draws on expectation-disconfirmation theory to explore differences between what is expected of the government and perceptions of what the government in fact does and to determine the influence of these differences on trust in government. Confirming the applicability of contact theory, this study also reveals the moderating effect of citizen participation. The results show that the more citizens’ expectations regarding the role of government are not met, the less trust they have in government. The relation between these two variables is consistently observed, regardless of ways of measuring trust in government. However, the negative relation between expectation-disconfirmation and trust in government was moderated by citizens’ political participation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. p34
Author(s):  
Arafet Hamida ◽  
Tahar Lassoued ◽  
Zouhair Hadhek

In this article, we are interested in a very topical issue—to what extent and through which channels can governance influence the economic growth of nations? To answer this question, we reviewed the literature in this field before embarking on the empirical analysis. The main results that we obtained from this research work stipulate that economic governance, approximated by “economic freedom”, has a positive effect on economic growth through its effect on investment. As regards political governance, it seems that it has no effect on economic growth. This reinforces the idea that the role of political institutions is limited to the creation of good economic institutions.


Religions ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (5) ◽  
pp. 249
Author(s):  
Kiku Huckle ◽  
Andrea Silva

U.S. immigration policy over the last 100 years has changed the onus of political acculturation from public programs to private groups like churches. After this significant policy change, how do religion, social capital, and nativity intersect in the political mobilization of racial minorities? Furthermore, after the 1965 Hart-Celler Act, the country of origin of immigrants shifted from European countries to Latin America and Asia. Scholars have theorized that churches play a pivotal role in the socialization of immigrants by providing a place of belonging and a community willing to teach newcomers about the goings-on of American political society. How have these acculturation policies worked under new immigration populations? Previous scholarly work has connected social capital with churches, though their relationship to political participation has been minimal. We hypothesize that social capital and religious tradition have a multiplicative effect on the participation rates of believers, but that race mitigates that effect. The positioning of racial groups in broader society impacts the significance and role of churches within these communities. We use Collaborative Multiracial Post-Election Survey (CMPS) 2016 data to examine the connection between social capital, religion, and political behavior in a novel attempt to systematically identify the unique role of churches in the mobilization of racial minority communities. We use these results to suggest that the current policies of privatizing political acculturation have had less success with more recent waves of immigrants.


2011 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-62 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rauna Kuokkanen

AbstractThe Sámi self-determination discourse has always been state-centric in its tendency to invoke the central role of the Nordic states in shaping national policies and legislation on Sámi rights. This article examines the meaning of Sámi self-determination from the perspective of Sámi women: how do Sámi women understand the concept, how do they evaluate the current efforts to implement self-determination by Sámi political institutions and what kind of forms their socio-political participation takes in contemporary Sámi society? It argues that Sámi self-determination is often understood in relational terms as discussed by Iris Marion Young.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
Fortunat Miarintsoa Andrianimanana ◽  
Carles Roca-Cuberes

Abstract This article analyses the political blogging of the Malagasy diaspora as part of their transnational political participation. It focuses on three aspects of the blogs: the most frequent topics addressed, how are the topics addressed, and the political bloggers. To do this, a Thematic Content Analysis based on four categories (‘soapboxes’, ‘transmission belts’, ‘conversation starters’ and ‘mobilisers’) of four of their most active and influential political blogs was conducted. The analysis revealed that (i) the blogs are mostly “soapboxes” that consist of commenting the political issues in Madagascar, (ii) their contents were mostly focused on the coup d’ état in 2009, and (iii) the bloggers are involved in direct political participation in parallel offline. This paper shows the role of the studied blogs as tribunes of opinions that gather a partisan audience discussing the Malagasy political issues, and as judgment tools contributing to the braking or fuelling of Madagascar’s international relations.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 225
Author(s):  
Lily - Trinh Hoang Hong Hoang Hong Hue

Citizen participation has been largely considered as an important objective of improving democracy and government decision-making in Vietnam recently. Based on the dataset of the Public Administration Performance Index Survey data (PAPI), Vietnamese women tend to actively participate in local government rather than men do. Hence, this study aims to explore distinct factors affect gender differences of citizen participation in local government in Vietnam. Applying qualitative approach through in-depth interview, besides objective factors such as political institutions, policy environment, and social networking, this article finds out some subjective major factors influencing citizen participation such as belief of people, educational level, age, sex, household conditions. Furthermore, this study also identifies three crucial reasons that leading to the differences of citizen participation at the local level between women and men in the context of Vietnam including political attitudes and interests, role in family, and the role of mass organizations.


2013 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 239-262 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan K. Hanson

Traditional economic growth regressions are not adequate to identify the role of political institutions because they assume a universal growth paradigm exists. Instead, there are distinct paradigms of investment- and innovation-based growth, and the effects of political institutions vary across them. Using a dataset covering 83 countries from 1965–2008, this study employs a mixture models estimation to identify these paradigms. It finds that state authority is critical for countries engaged in investment-based growth, and competitive political participation tempers the pace of capital accumulation but increases productivity growth. Conversely, where innovation-based growth predominates, state authority has little effect and competitive political participation slows the pace of growth. Constraints on rulers do not support investment in either paradigm.


2015 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 141-164
Author(s):  
Rukhsana Hassan ◽  
Saima Keyani

In order to achieve the objectives of poverty alleviation, sustainable development, and even human resource development it is imperative that women should be a part of governance and decision making bodies at all levels. In Pakistan too since independence, like other countries of the world, over the period of last six decades different regimes, both civil and military,have attempted to integrate women in the political process of the country. In the year 2000 under the patronage of the military regime, Pakistan has made significant progress in enhancing women’s political participation. In the local government ordinance of 2001 women representation in the different tiers of local government was raised to 33%. Regardless of this progress women access to the political institutions is not without constraints. Data for the research was collected, through interviews and close ended questionnaires, from 20 women parliamentarians. The major constraint, according to the respondents, is the mindset which women have to face in order to participate in the political process. The mindset is based upon the stereotypical division of roles and domain into male and female, which restrict women’s roles to domestic sphere and deter their participation in the public life. Although, women parliamentarian did acknowledge the role of family support in overcoming barriers to women participation in the political process, still in 21st century this support is not available to majority of women in Pakistani society. Apart from it role of media and the support of political parties are two other important dimensions which play an important role in creating barriers to women participation in the political process.


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