The Problems of Comparison

2011 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 221-231 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chris Wickham

AbstractThis essay replies to the various criticisms made of Framing the Early Middle Ages (2005). It concedes a number of points relating to the importance of ideologies, the distinction between élites and aristocracies, the issue of money, and the question of the importance of the productive forces. It defends the comparative method and defends the discussions of coloni and of the spatial limitations of the peasant-mode of production in Framing. It also explores the nature of the state and aristocracy in this period.

Author(s):  
Eduardo Manzano Moreno

This chapter addresses a very simple question: is it possible to frame coinage in the Early Middle Ages? The answer will be certainly yes, but will also acknowledge that we lack considerable amounts of relevant data potentially available through state-of-the-art methodologies. One problem is, though, that many times we do not really know the relevant questions we can pose on coins; another is that we still have not figured out the social role of coinage in the aftermath of the Roman Empire. This chapter shows a number of things that could only be known thanks to the analysis of coins. And as its title suggests it will also include some reflections on greed and generosity.


Author(s):  
Peter Coss

In the introduction to his great work of 2005, Framing the Early Middle Ages, Chris Wickham urged not only the necessity of carefully framing our studies at the outset but also the importance of closely defining the words and concepts that we employ, the avoidance ‘cultural sollipsism’ wherever possible and the need to pay particular attention to continuities and discontinuities. Chris has, of course, followed these precepts on a vast scale. My aim in this chapter is a modest one. I aim to review the framing of thirteenth-century England in terms of two only of Chris’s themes: the aristocracy and the state—and even then primarily in terms of the relationship between the two. By the thirteenth century I mean a long thirteenth century stretching from the period of the Angevin reforms of the later twelfth century on the one hand to the early to mid-fourteenth on the other; the reasons for taking this span will, I hope, become clearer during the course of the chapter, but few would doubt that it has a validity.


2011 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 98-108 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chris Harman

AbstractWhile recognising the power and fundamental importance of Wickham’s Framing the Early Middle Ages, this essay explores some of the problems associated with the relative silence within the text about the issue of the forces of production and their development. By contrast, Harman suggests that Wickham’s most important contribution to our understanding of the period, his concept of a peasant-mode of production, is best understood against the backdrop of prior developments of the forces of production. Moreover, the peasant-mode’s temporality is itself best understood against the background of further developments of the forces of production.


2011 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-46 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Blackledge

AbstractChris Wickham’s Framing the Early Middle Ages is a towering comparative overview of Rome’s successor-states in the four centuries after its collapse in the West. Not only does it bring together evidence from across the continent in a way that will inform all subsequent serious discussions of the period, it also conceptualises an important, peasant-mode of production. Notwithstanding these strengths, Framing has been criticised for its structuralist, static characterisation of feudalism. The debates surveyed in this essay suggest that, while Wickham’s book will act as a milestone in the history of Europe, it should also act as a spur to further research and critical reflection on the period. Moreover, in the light of recent criticisms of Marxist historiography, Wickham’s book and the debate surrounding it point to the continued vibrancy of historical materialism.


1972 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 160-169
Author(s):  
Lennart Ejerfeldt

In the first centuries of the barbarian kingdoms the most striking feature is the gens, the tribe, as the principle of unity, even if the ethnic homogeneity often was missing. The myth of the Germanic State of the early Middle Ages was in the first place a myth of the common origin of the gens.These histories of tribal origins have some times been influenced by powerful Ancient literary patterns, especially the Trojan myth of Virgil. But the concern of presenting the origin of the gens in mythical form is no doubt Germanic. And it seems probable that the tribal origins are more ancient than the genealogies of royal families with alleged divine ancestors. The kingship among the Germanic tribes was secondary in relation to the tribe. The king was rex Francorum; the king of a certain country or geographic territory is a later conception. The power comes from below; the king is an exponent of the tribe. All the Germanic words for "king" are derivations from terms for "kin, people, tribe." The limitation of the power of the king is also indicated by institutions like the right to resistence, the possibility to depose the king, the participation by all free men in the judicial and criminal procedure through self-help and blood feud.


Antiquity ◽  
1949 ◽  
Vol 23 (91) ◽  
pp. 161-163 ◽  
Author(s):  
Haakon Shetelig

The State Antiquary of Iceland, Kristján Eldjárn, M.A., published in January this year a fine volume containing a report of his recent excavations of pagan graves, and other contributions to early Icelandic history, under the title of Gengidh á Reika, Akureyri, 1948. It is very important that we have got here reliable accounts of systematically explored Viking burials, with diagrams and photographs, all very well done, as Iceland had produced, till now, very little of similar publications. But really exciting is undeniably the news of the discovery of three Roman coins in Iceland.The place of discovery was at the farm Bragdhavellir, at the head of Hamarsfjord, in the district of Sudhur Mulasyssel, on the southeast coast of Iceland. In a small valley called Djupibotn the gales had partially denuded the ground leaving only the hard stony gravel subsoil. In this place the remains of two primitive houses came to light, certainly representing an ancient farm which had been deserted for long ages. A peasant of the vicinity Jón Sigfusson started searching the site for antiquities and collected a lot of such poor objects as are generally left in country dwellings of the early Middle-Ages, nails and fragments of iron, broken pots of soapstone, stone whorls, some teeth of horse and cow, bits of charcoal, etc. The only object of a more distinct character was a bead of variegated glass, reddish-brown with black and white, possibly dating from the Viking Period. Subsequently a number of the antiquities were sent to the National Museum in Reykjavik, including two Roman coins said to have been found on the same site and under same conditions as the other articles.


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