The Malayan Communist Party and the Indonesian Communist Party: Features of Co-operation

2010 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 216-249 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hara Fujio
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Mutual Support ◽  
National Liberation ◽  
World War ◽  
Representative Office

AbstractThis is an analysis of the relations between the Malayan Communist Party and the Indonesian Communist Party in several areas. It will begin with a discussion of the mutual support between the PKI leaders and the Kesatuan Melayu Muda prior to the declaration of Emergency in 1948, followed by an examination of their cooperation immediately after World War II. The second part will look at the activities of the MCP members in Indonesia up to the establishment of the Representative Office of the Malayan National Liberation League in Jakarta. There will be an account of the overt activities of the Representative Office and its covert activities after its closure. The article will also ascertain the actual relations between the two based on a close examination of the official documents of the two parties.

scholarly journals Антияпонская война китайского народа (1937–1945 гг.) на страницах газеты Тихоокеанского флота «Боевая вахта»

2020 ◽  
Vol 55 (2) ◽  
pp. 91-106
Author(s):  
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Chinese Communist Party ◽  
Far East ◽  
Chinese People ◽  
Military Operations ◽  
National Liberation ◽  
World War ◽  
The Chinese Communist Party

Рассматривается освещение событий антияпонской войны китайского народа (1937–1945 гг.) газетой Тихоокеанского флота «Боевая вахта» (г. Вла-дивосток). В это время Советский Союз предоставлял Китаю не только военную, материальную помощь, но и оказывал моральную поддержку, в том числе через средства массовой информации, рассказывая о национально-освободительной войне китайского народа. Отмечено, что во время войны Гоминьдан и Коммунистическая партия Китая создали антияпонский национальный единый фронт и объединились против японских захватчиков. Китайский народ мужественно боролся за свою свободу и национальную независимость. Газета высоко оценила деятельность Коммунистической партии Китая и её борьбу с японскими захватчиками в трудных условиях. Но во время антияпонской войны правительство Гоминьдана не отказывалось от антикоммунистической политики. Газета критиковала коррупцию в правительстве Гоминьдана и его неспособность вести активные действия в середине и конце войны; публиковала факты, как Ван Цзинвэй вступил в сговор с японскими захватчиками. 26 января 1940 г. «Боевая вахта» приводила текст соглашения, подписанного между Ван Цзинвэем и японцами. Подчёркивается, что газета «Боевая вахта» цитировала сообщения из китайских газет, то есть показывала дальневосточникам, как китайские газеты осуждают предательские действия марионеточного режима Ван Цзинвэя. «Боевая вахта» в подробностях сообщала также и о причинах, процессе и результате советско-японской войны – последних военных действиях в рамках Второй мировой войны. Ключевые слова: газета «Боевая вахта» (г. Владивосток), публикации, национально-освободительная война китайского народа, Гоминьдан, Коммунистическая партия Китая, Ван Цзинвэй, сговор с японскими захватчиками, марионеточный режим, советско-японская война, последние военные действиях в рамках Второй мировой войны. Abstract. The coverage of the main events of the anti-Japanese war of the Chinese people (1937–1945) by the Pacific Fleet newspaper Battle Watch (Vladivostok) is considered. At that time, the Soviet Union provided not only military and material assistance to China, but also provided moral support, including through the media, telling about the national liberation war of the Chinese people. It is noted that during the war the Kuomintang and the Chinese Communist Party created an anti-Japanese national united front and united against the Japanese invaders. The Chinese people fought bravely for their freedom and national independence. The newspaper praised the activities of the Chinese Communist Party and its struggle with the Japanese invaders in difficult conditions. But during the anti-Japanese war, the Kuomintang government did not abandon anti-communist policies. The newspaper criticized corruption in the Kuomintang government and its inability to take active steps in the middle and end of the war; published the facts as Wang Jingwei colluded with the Japanese invaders. On January 26, 1940, Battle Watch cited the text of the agreement signed between Wang Jingwei and the Japanese. It is emphasized that the Battle Watch newspaper quoted messages from Chinese newspapers, that is, it showed the Far East how Chinese newspapers condemn the treacherous actions of the puppet regime of Wang Jingwei. The Battle Watch also reported in detail about the causes, process and result of the Soviet – Japanese war – the latest military operations in the framework of World War II. Keywords: Battle Watch newspaper (Vladivostok), publications, the national liberation war of the Chinese people, the Kuomintang, the Chinese Communist Party, Wang Jingwei, conspiracy with the Japanese invaders, puppet regime, the Soviet-Japanese war, recent military operations within World War II.

The Surrealist Revolutionaries

2021 ◽  
pp. 117-122
Author(s):  
William Klinger ◽  
Denis Kuljiš
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Second World War ◽  
Guerrilla Warfare ◽  
National Liberation ◽  
World War ◽  
Military Commander ◽  
Commander In Chief ◽  
Second World ◽  
General Secretary

This chapter begins with Marshal Tito's proclamation of being the commander-in-chief of the National-Liberation Partisan Detachments of Yugoslavia (NOPOJ) as he was the general secretary of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (CPY). It looks at Tito's article “The Task of the National-Liberation Partisan Detachments,” in which he defines the formations and tactics that must be used. It also points out how detailed planning helped make communists successful when fighting on secret fronts or waging guerrilla warfare. The chapter describes Konstantin “Koča” Popović as Tito's military commander and the greatest general of the Second World War. It emphasizes how Koča was the single most important cadre among the tough people from the communist underground who was essential for the ensuing war.

Burn Out and Fade AwayMarxism in Italian International Legal Scholarship

2020 ◽  
pp. 234-261
Author(s):  
Lorenzo Gradoni
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
World War ◽  
Cultural Changes ◽  
Legal Scholarship ◽  
Legal Studies ◽  
Burn Out ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Impact

Against the prevailing opinion, the present chapter argues that the impact of Marxism on Italian international legal scholarship, although quantitatively marginal, has been important and fruitful, so much so that its rediscovery should not be seen as merely a matter of antiquarian interest. This minor tradition of legal studies failed to take root in the first quarter of a century after World War II, despite the endorsement of a powerful communist party. Cultural changes that took place in the 1960s reverberated throughout international legal scholarship only during the 1970s. Although Marxist international legal studies subsided within the space of a few years they produced a significant body of work whose pioneering character and unsurpassed subtlety should be acknowledged in the context of current revivals of Marxist legal studies.

Communist Parties Come to Power in Korea and Vietnam

2021 ◽  
pp. 135-142
Author(s):  
George W. Breslauer
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
South Korea ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Korean War ◽  
World War ◽  
The North ◽  
Guerrilla War ◽  
Northern Half ◽  
The Korean War ◽  
The Status

In Korea, the USSR occupied the northern half of the country after Japan withdrew its occupation forces. The Soviets installed a regime of North Korean communists who enjoyed popular support due to their sacrifices in fighting the Japanese during World War II. The leadership convinced Moscow and Beijing to sanction and support an invasion of South Korea that they hoped would reunify the country. This led to the Korean War, which merely restored the status quo ante at the expense of millions of lives. The pathway was different in Vietnam, where a guerrilla war against Japanese, then French, occupation led to the victory of the Vietnamese communist party in the North.

The Age of Segregation, 1900–1950

2020 ◽  
pp. 117-152
Author(s):  
Donald G. Nieman
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Supreme Court ◽  
Federal Government ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Jim Crow ◽  
World War ◽  
Civil Rights Organizations ◽  
The Supreme Court ◽  
The New Deal

This chapter argues that segregation generated organized opposition from African Americans and a small group of whites that challenged the system. Segregation was rigid, capricious, and designed to demonstrate white power. While it kept most blacks in menial positions, a small black middle class emerged that produced leaders who attacked Jim Crow. The organization leading the charge was the NAACP, which developed publicity, lobbying, and litigation campaigns. The effort gained steam in the 1930s, as a cadre of black lawyers challenged segregated education, the CIO and the Communist party championed civil rights, and the New Deal gave blacks a voice in federal policy. It further accelerated during World War II as the federal government challenged workplace discrimination, membership in civil rights organizations swelled, black veterans demanded their rights, and the Supreme Court became more aggressive on civil rights.

Homage to Robert Aron, 1898—1975

1977 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 131-139
Author(s):  
Annabelle Henkin Melzer
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
World War ◽  
Alfred Jarry ◽  
Avant Garde ◽  
Louis Aragon ◽  
Tristan Tzara ◽  
Philippe Soupault ◽  
Young Wife ◽  
French Communist Party

I went to see Robert Aron in the summer of 1972. He was then seventy-four years old, a tall, striking man in an apartment of stuffed furniture overrun by books. In all my meetings that summer with former surrealists, people who had made avant-garde theatre in Paris in the 1920s, there was always a sense of trembling at reaching out to touch cobwebbed memories. Forty-five years had passed since the events we talked about. Tristan Tzara, recalled by Gide as a charming man with a young wife who was ‘even more charming’, had since fought with the French Resistance during World War II and later joined the Communist Party. André Breton, when he died in 1966, was accompanied to his grave by ‘waves of young men and young girls often in couples, with arms entwined’. They had come from all over France to pay him tribute. Philippe Soupault is a respected editor, critic and radio commentator, Louis Aragon is at the forefront of the French Communist Party and dislikes talking about his days as a Surrealist, Roger Vitrac is an acknowledged and produced playwright while Artaud is a cult figure. There are moments when in looking back, the whole Dada-Surrealist performance world looks like some great Dada swindle perpetrated on the only too fallible researcher and critic. Robert Aron does nothing to dispel this feeling. The man who sent a telegram to Breton warning him that he would stop at no measures to keep the fervent Surrealist claque from disturbing the performance of Strindberg's A Dream Play at the Théâtre Alfred Jarry, was elected a member of the French Academy before his death.

Some Econometrics of the Huk Rebellion

1969 ◽  
Vol 63 (4) ◽  
pp. 1159-1171 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edward J. Mitchell
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Sugar Cane ◽  
Full Scale ◽  
World War ◽  
Large Unit ◽  
People’S Liberation Army ◽  
The Government ◽  
Huk Rebellion ◽  
The Military

Shortly after World War II a Communist guerrilla army, the Hukbong Magpalayang Bayan (HMB), or People's Liberation Army, became a serious threat to the new Philippine Republic. The Huks, as they are commonly known, controlled large parts of the sugar cane and rice growing areas of Central Luzon and carried out military and political operations in other parts of the islands. Like their Communist counterparts in Vietnam and Malaya, the Huks began as an anti-Japanese guerrilla army. In fact, Huk originally referred to Hukbalahap, a contraction of a phrase meaning People's Army Against the Japanese. As the military arm of the Communist Party, however, their ambitions always exceeded mere anti-Japanese activities.After the Japanese defeat, successive Philippine governments wrestled with the problem of eliminating the Huks. Policies of coercion failed because the Philippine Army and Constabulary were not up to the task. Policies of conciliation failed because the demands of the Huks were regarded as unreasonable. By 1949 it became clear that the issues dividing the Huks and the government would have to be settled by force. Following the allegedly fraudulent election of President Quirino in 1949 the Huks gained steadily. By 1950 large unit raids were common and a full-scale attack on Manila was envisioned for 1951.

scholarly journals Vojvodina - a region based on the Serbian ethnicity and its denial

2012 ◽  
pp. 259-273
Author(s):  
Drago Njegovan
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
World War I ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Interwar Period ◽  
Political Engagement ◽  
Ethnic Composition ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
World War ◽  
Habsburg Monarchy ◽  
The Right

The issue of regionalism and the autonomy of certain areas is mainly related to the ethnic composition of the population. The idea of the autonomy of Vojvodina as a Serbian region in the Habsburg Monarchy was created back in 1690. It came into being 150 years later by the decision of the 1848 May Assembly. In a significantly different form, it lasted ten years as the Serbian Voivodship and Temisvar (Timisoara) Banat. In the next fifty years, a autonomous Serbian Vojvodina was just a dream. At the end of World War I the areas of Vojvodina, on the basis of the right to self-determination, entered the Kingdom of Serbia and thus became part of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, i.e. Yugoslavia. The idea of the autonomy of Vojvodina was then discarded. Some liberal politicians, supported by the Croats, tried to restore it in the interwar period but this option did not receive any support of voters at the elections. The illegal Communist Party politically promoted the idea of the autonomy of Vojvodina in a federalized Yugoslavia, which was achieved during World War II. At the end of the war, the autonomous Vojvodina remained part of Serbia, and according to the 1974 Constitution, it became a part of federal Yugoslavia. During the disintegration of Yugoslavia, the autonomy of Vojvodina within Serbia was preserved but recently, after the so-called democratic changes of 2000, domestic and foreign (EU and NATO) political engagement in Serbia has been more directed towards the greater autonomy of Vojvodina, and even its separation from Serbia, despite the two-thirds Serbian majority living in the Province.

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