Disaster, Communication and Legitimization of Power in Russia: The Case of the Forest Fires in Summer 2010

2013 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 260-286 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eva Bertrand

Focusing on Vladimir Putin’s communication during the summer fires of 2010, this article questions the process of political legitimization in times of natural disasters. The reinsurance of stability and legitimacy is one of the key challenges for political power, and its leaders, after a natural or technical disaster. After the fires of 2010, this process of legitimacy restoration has resulted in an overexposure of the Prime Minister Vladimir Putin in the media. This article argues that the process of power legitimization in the Russian state consists in a communication, which is based on the idea of a leader’s protection of, or proximity to, the population; on the idea of power euergetism, or donations, and on the definition of a reestablished normality.

2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 44-59 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Person

During the 17 years that Vladimir Putin has ruled Russia, the country has become increasingly authoritarian. However, I argue that this rollback of democracy has not been motivated by Putin's blind desire to maximize his political power, as many have assumed. Rather, his anti-democratic policies have responded to perceived specific threats to his control. In applying theories originally developed in the field of international relations to individual leaders, we can understand Putin as a “defensive realist” who balances against threats in order to maintain security rather than maximize power. This is an essential distinction that produces important conclusions about what motives lie behind the increasingly authoritarian character of the Russian state and gives insights into the possible future trajectory of the regime.


2004 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 135-160 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vladimir Shlapentokh

The interplay between the state and the super rich has been a subject of intense debate since the time of Aristotle, who introduced the notion of oligarchs and the oligarchic regime as the ruling of a few rich people. The ideologically loaded debates about the role of wealthy people in society can be found in each country in the contemporary world. In recent times, the fact that Silvio Berlusconi is both Italy’s prime minister and the richest person in the country (who has almost complete control over Italian TV) has aroused intense debates about the impact of big business on politics (Stille, 2003). It is not surprising that the case of the Italian prime minister draws attention in Russia, where he is often compared to both the Russian president as well as to the oligarchs (Remnik, 2003). A dramatic struggle between Russian President Vladimir Putin, and the oligarch Mikhail Khodorkovsky, whose wealth was estimated before his arrest at eight-billion dollars,1 unfolded in the summer and fall of 2003. This conflict will likely be recounted in any future textbook that discusses the relationship between political power and big money.


2017 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 623-641 ◽  
Author(s):  
Theodor Tudoroiu

Based on a public office definition of corruption, this article uses the case studies of doctoral plagiarism of German Minister of Defence Karl-Theodor zu Guttenberg, Hungarian President Pàl Schmitt, Romanian Prime Minister Victor Ponta, and Russian President Vladimir Putin in order to show that, by shattering citizens’ confidence in and respect for political class, political parties, state institutions and rule of law, academic plagiarism of high-ranking politicians intertwines with and enforces the most serious democratic failures in their respective countries: degeneration of political culture in Germany, nationalist authoritarian trends in Hungary, a culture of corruption in Romania, and outright dictatorship in Russia. As such, this specific type of plagiarism goes far beyond academia. It represents a direct, aggressive, and effective threat against democracy itself.


Author(s):  
Patrick Weller

Prime ministers are the key campaigners for their governments, not just in electoral campaigns, but every day and in every place. Media management has become a continuing and significant part of the prime ministers’ activities; it is a daily, indeed an hourly, pressure. Speeches have to be planned. The pressure has changed the tone and priorities of governing. It has dangers as well as benefits. Media demands have become more immediate, more continuous, and more intrusive. Prime ministers must respond. The same technical changes allow prime ministers to interact with their voters in a way that bypasses journalists and other intermediaries. They are writ large in campaigns. They are never out of mind or out of sight. Re-election is always a consideration for tactics and strategy. The public leader, the ‘rhetorical prime minister’, is shaped by the demands of the media and organized by the technological capacity.


2021 ◽  
Vol 79 (3) ◽  
pp. 969-978
Author(s):  
Taya L. Farugia ◽  
Carla Cuni-Lopez ◽  
Anthony R. White

Australia often experiences natural disasters and extreme weather conditions such as: flooding, sandstorms, heatwaves, and bushfires (also known as wildfires or forest fires). The proportion of the Australian population aged 65 years and over is increasing, alongside the severity and frequency of extreme weather conditions and natural disasters. Extreme heat can affect the entire population but particularly at the extremes of life, and patients with morbidities. Frequently identified as a vulnerable demographic in natural disasters, there is limited research on older adults and their capacity to deal with extreme heat and bushfires. There is a considerable amount of literature that suggests a significant association between mental disorders such as dementia, and increased vulnerability to extreme heat. The prevalence rate for dementia is estimated at 30%by age 85 years, but there has been limited research on the effects extreme heat and bushfires have on individuals living with dementia. This review explores the differential diagnosis of dementia, the Australian climate, and the potential impact Australia’s extreme heat and bushfires have on individuals from vulnerable communities including low socioeconomic status Indigenous and Non-Indigenous populations living with dementia, in both metropolitan and rural communities. Furthermore, we investigate possible prevention strategies and provide suggestions for future research on the topic of Australian bushfires and heatwaves and their impact on people living with dementia. This paper includes recommendations to ensure rural communities have access to appropriate support services, medical treatment, awareness, and information surrounding dementia.


2021 ◽  
pp. 194016122110226
Author(s):  
Ayala Panievsky

As populist campaigns against the media become increasingly common around the world, it is ever more urgent to explore how journalists adopt and respond to them. Which strategies have journalists developed to maintain the public's trust, and what may be the implications for democracy? These questions are addressed using a thematic analysis of forty-five semistructured interviews with leading Israeli journalists who have been publicly targeted by Israel's Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu. The article suggests that while most interviewees asserted that adherence to objective reporting was the best response to antimedia populism, many of them have in fact applied a “strategic bias” to their reporting, intentionally leaning to the Right in an attempt to refute the accusations of media bias to the Left. This strategy was shaped by interviewees' perceived helplessness versus Israel's Prime Minister and his extensive use of social media, a phenomenon called here “the influence of presumed media impotence.” Finally, this article points at the potential ramifications of strategic bias for journalism and democracy. Drawing on Hallin's Spheres theory, it claims that the strategic bias might advance Right-wing populism at present, while also narrowing the sphere of legitimate controversy—thus further restricting press freedom—in the future.


Author(s):  
Robin Björkas ◽  
Mariah Larsson

AbstractSex dolls are a complex phenomenon with several diverse possible emotional, sexual and therapeutic uses. They can be part of a broad variety of sexual practices, and also function as a sexual aid. However, the media discourse on sex dolls first and foremost concerns how we perceive the relationship between intimacy and technology. A critical discourse analysis of the Swedish media discourse on sex dolls reveals six themes which dominate the discourse: (a) the definition of what a human being is; (b) a discourse on the (technological and existential) future; (c) a social effort; (d) a loveless phenomenon; (e) men’s violence against women; and (f) pedophilia. Accordingly, this discourse is very conservative and normative in its view of sexuality, technology, and humanity. Overall, the dominant themes do not provide any space for positive effects of technology on human sexuality, and if they do, it is usually as a substitute for something else.


2015 ◽  
Vol 59 (1) ◽  
pp. 136-160 ◽  
Author(s):  
Catherine A. Schuler

The Kremlin’s assertion of Russia’s identity as a representative democracy relies for its effect on the skillful manipulation of the media by Vladimir Putin, Russia’s actor-in-chief. It seems clear from reviewing Putin’s annual, televised town hall meetings that it’s the Russian President’s enigmatic charisma that keeps his poll numbers high even as he curtails citizens’ rights.


2005 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 227-232
Author(s):  
Anthony Mason

Brigadier-General Sitiveni Rabuka, the former prime minister of Fiji who gained notoriety for staging twin coups in 1987, has enjoyed a love-hate relationship with the Fiji and Pacific media for almost two decades. University of Canberra PhD student, Anthony Mason, interviewed Rabuka in the course of his research into Australian media coverage of the coups. He also interviewed the former editor of The Fiji Times, Vijendra Kumar. Pacific Journalism Review is publishing the transcripts of these interviews, where both Rabuka and Kumar reflect on the May 1987 coup and its aftermath—helping to put the May 2000 coup into perspective.


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