Phonological Features of the Evolution of Middle Chinese Zhi Series Initials into Modern Chinese Dialects

2012 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 121-138
Author(s):  
Hongzhi Wang

In modern Chinese dialects, the evolution of Middle Chinese Zhi 知 series initials is very complicated. This article collects linguistic records and analyses that are related to this topic from a variety of published academic materials. The catalyst behind these diverse sound changes is shown to be the phonological feature [+flat]. In addition, this article also investigates the neutralization in the evolution of Zhi series initials in some Shanxi and Hebei dialects.

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 77-98
Author(s):  
Rui-wen Wu

According to Qièyùn, Tán (覃) and Tán (談) are two distinct rhymes, i.e. double rhyme, in Xián Shè Grade I. From the historical Chinese phonology perspective, the Northern people who spoke the Northern dialect started merging Tán / Tán distinction at early Tang Dynasty but, relatively, the Southern people retained it. In other words, Tán / Tán distinction is an important phonological feature to divide the early Chinese dialects into Northern group and Southern group. Recent researches shows that Tán / Tán distinction still obtain in modern Chinese dialects, such as Wú, Mĭn and Gàn dialects. However, the question ‘if Tán / Tán distinction obtains in modern Xiang dialect’ is under debate until now. This article would like to examine 12 modern Xiang dialects and explore the phenomena and phonological contrast in Xiang dialects. Furthermore, this article also tried to reconstruction the proto forms for Tán / Tán rhymes. This article not only focused on the phonological contrast provided by Qièyùn framework but also noticed the colloquial lexicons, which retained the early distinction. The main conclusions are as follows:1.From the viewpoint of phonological contrast, only one kind of Xiang dialect subcategories, i.e. Lóu-Shào Piàn, obtains Tán / Tán distinction. The distinction has been dropped in Cháng Yì Piàn and Xù Pŭ Piàn.2.From the viewpoint of colloquial lexicon, there are still four lexicons with Tán / Tán distinction. Those lexicons are distributed in modern Xiang dialects more or less. 3. From the viewpoint of historical linguistics, the Tán (覃) rhyme after velar initials could be reconstructed as *-oN and *-oʔ and the Tán (談) rhyme as *ɑN and *ɑʔ after the same initial environment. It shows that Tán / Tán distinction is partially remained in Xiang dialects. The main vowel *-o in *oN and *-oɁ finals tends to vowel breaking and so the reflections of *oN and *oʔ in modern Xiang dialects include -uẽ, -uɛ̃, -ua and -ue etc.


2021 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 161-171
Author(s):  
Min Wang

Abstract This study examines the ability to identify different Chinese dialects through the English language and evaluates how often respondents pay attention to phonological features and rate of speech to explain their categorizations. The research includes 100 Chinese undergraduate students and 100 young people without advanced degrees aged 20 to 25. Discrete independent data samples collected during the interview of participants are analyzed with the help of such statistical methods as Student's t-test, Mann-Whitney U-test, and Wilcoxon's test. The obtained results indirectly show the ability of respondents to identify native and non-native English speakers around the world, as well as determine their nationality. The outcomes of the paper explicate who, in general, categorize Chinese dialects better and which dialects are the most recognizable. Research data reveal a high degree of stereotypization of various dialects, especially the Beijing and U dialects. Moreover, based on the data obtained, it can be concluded that speaking rate significantly affects the perception and classification of a speaker from a particular province of China.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Karthik Durvasula ◽  
Alicia Parrish

AbstractWhile there is robust evidence of segment priming, particularly in some real word contexts, there is little to no evidence bearing on the issue of priming of subsegmental features, particularly phonological features. In this article, we present two lexical decision task experiments to show that there are no consistent priming effects attributable to phonological place of articulation features. Given that there is clear evidence of segment priming, but no clear evidence of priming due to other phonological representations, we suggest that it is doubtful that priming is a good tool to study phonological representations, particularly those that are not consciously accessible.


2016 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 251-284 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard VanNess Simmons

Summary This paper examines the origins and evolution of the Chinese linguistic concept known as the sìhū 四呼 “four types of rime onset” that is frequently applied to the description and analysis of Mandarin and Chinese dialect phonology. Through the examination of phonological texts primarily of the Míng (1368–1644) and Qīng (1644–1911) periods, the author follows the evolution of the sìhū as a phonological feature and outlines the development of the sìhū concept as well as the evolution of the actual term “sìhū” The underlying phonology of the sìhū emerged following the divergence of Mandarin from the other dialects in the Sòng (960–1279), through the Yuán (1271–1386), and into the Míng. The discovery and description of the sìhū was closely related to developments in phonological analysis made by Míng scholars as they departed from Middle Chinese tradition (of the 7th to the 12th centuries) and mapped out contemporary Mandarin pronunciation, especially that of the prestige Mandarin koinē known as Guānhuà. The emergence and description of the sìhū are thus found to parallel the evolution of Mandarin, as the phonological categories the sìhū represent evolved in concert with characteristic Mandarin features. The attention that Míng and Qīng scholars gave to the rime onset types of the sìhū analysis demonstrates that the phonological features represented by this four-way paradigm were considered to be important elements of contemporary forms of prestige Mandarin.


Author(s):  
Rebecca Pozzi ◽  
Robert Bayley

Abstract Although recent research suggests that gains are made in the acquisition of dialectal features during study abroad, the few studies that have been conducted on this topic in Spanish-speaking contexts have focused primarily on features characteristic of Spain. This article examines the L2 acquisition of phonological features characteristic of Buenos Aires Spanish, [ʃ] and [ʒ], known as sheísmo/zheísmo, for example the pronunciation of llave [ʝaβe] “key” as [ʃaβe] or [ʒaβe]. Participants include 23 learners of Spanish studying in Buenos Aires, Argentina. More than 4,800 tokens were gathered before, during, and at the end of the semester using sociolinguistic interviews, a reading passage, and a word list. These data were analyzed for the influence of linguistic and social factors using mixed-effects logistic regression (Rbrul; Johnson, 2009). Results suggest that participants approximate nativelike norms of use of these features and that time in country is a statistically significant predictor of patterns of phonological variation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 15 ◽  
Author(s):  
Radjabov Nasir Nasimovich

The research deals with the simple classification of phonological oppositions in relation to the unstressed vowels and also, the complex classification of phonological oppositions concerning both the stressed and unstressed vowels in the Uzbek language. The purpose of this study is to explore the extent of forming phonological oppositions of Uzbek vowel phonemes in the unstressed position and to classify the identified phonological oppositions.  While carrying out of this study, a comparative method was used to compare vowel phonemes with each other, and a descriptive method was used to express their specific features. In the study, simple and complex classifications of phonological oppositions of Uzbek unstressed vowels have been developed. The study concludes that the phonological oppositions of vowels do not lose their significance in the unstressed positions and according to the simple classification, the unstressed vowels have 9 oppositions whose members are differentiated by one phonological feature, and 6 oppositions whose members are differentiated by two phonological features and according to the complex classification, unidimensional, pluridimensional, proportional, privative, gradual, equipolent and constant oppositions of unstressed vowels exist in modern Uzbek.


Nordlyd ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 165 ◽  
Author(s):  
B. Elan Dresher

There is a growing consensus that phonological features are not innate, but rather emerge in the course of acquisition. If features are emergent, we need to explain why they are required at all, and what principles account for the way they function in the phonology. I propose that the learners’ task is to arrive at a set of features that account for the con­trasts and the phonological activity in their language. For the content of the features, learners use the available materials relevant to the modality (spoken or signed). Formally, contrasts are governed by an ordered feature hierarchy. The concept of a contrastive hierarchy is an innate part of Universal Grammar, and is the glue that binds phono­logical representations and makes them appear similar across languages. Examples from the Classical Manchu vowel system show the connection between contrast and phonological activity. I then consider the implications of this approach for the acquisition of phonological representations. The relationship between formal contrastive hierarchies and phonetic substance is illustrated with examples drawn from tone systems in Chinese dialects. Finally, I propose that the contrastive hierarchy has a recursive digital character, like other aspects of the narrow faculty of language.


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