scholarly journals Strategic Nuclear Missiles in Turkey: The Jupiter Affair, 1959-1963

Keyword(s):  
2019 ◽  
Vol 52 (1) ◽  
pp. 148-171
Author(s):  
Noel D. Cary

On February 1, 2019, President Donald Trump withdrew the United States from a landmark Cold War treaty: the agreement between Ronald Reagan and Mikhail Gorbachev to ban intermediate-range nuclear missiles from Europe. One day after Trump's announcement, Vladimir Putin announced that Russia would also withdraw from the treaty. Allegations of Russian violations in recent years have thus led to actions that threaten to return Europe to some of the most frightening days of the Cold War.


1983 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 519-539 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joyce Marie Mushaben

Massive demonstrations occurring in the Federal Republic of Germany in opposition to the deployment of Pershing II and ground-launched cruise missiles are rooted in a thirty-year tradition of peace protest. Protest experiences acquired during the campaign against German rearmament and the early deployment of tactical nuclear missiles in the 1950s fused with those gleaned by student activists in the 1960s and environmentalists in the 1970s. Protest issues have begun to converge over three decades, producing an antinuclear groundswell for which the German “Greens” have become a political clearing house of sorts. For West Germany, the significance of the peace movement lies in the changes in national attitudes toward citizen participation, its commitment to NATO, and the ramifications for inter-German relations. For the global community, the significance rests with changing attitudes toward a collective security system that operates at the expense of national interests and, possibly, national survival.


2012 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 197-215 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lykourgos Kourkouvelas

In the late 1950s and early 1960s, the Soviet Union and its East European allies sought to prevent the installation of U.S. nuclear missiles in Western Europe by embarking on a diplomatic “peace offensive” that included proposals for the creation of denuclearized zones in various geographical areas of Europe. This article considers how the NATO countries responded to these proposals. In the end, the Western allies rejected proposals for the denuclearization of the Balkans and other areas in Europe, but discussions within NATO's councils often proved complicated, especially regarding southern Europe. In the case of the 1957 Stoica proposal for the denuclearization of the Balkans, the leading NATO countries stepped back and let Turkey and Greece reject the proposal, but by 1963, in the aftermath of the Cuban missile crisis, the United States and other key allied countries as well as the NATO bureaucracy assumed a more active role in evaluating and ultimately rejecting the notion of denuclearization in the Mediterranean.


2011 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 39-89 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kristina Spohr Readman

On the basis of recently released archival sources from several member-states of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), this article revisits the making of NATO's landmark 1979 dual-track decision. The article examines the intersecting processes of personal, bureaucratic, national, and alliance high politics in the broader Cold War context of increasingly adversarial East-West relations. The discussion sheds new light on how NATO tried to augment its deterrent capability via the deployment of long-range theater nuclear missiles and why ultimately an arms control proposal to the Soviet Union was included as an equal strand. The 1979 decision owed most to West German Chancellor Helmut Schmidt's political thought and initiative. Intra-alliance decision-making, marked by transatlantic conflict and cooperation, benefitted from the creativity and agency of West German, British, and Norwegian officials. Contrary to popular impressions, the United States did not truly lead the process.


2021 ◽  
pp. 67-102
Author(s):  
Charles Weiss

The world is closer to catastrophic, accidental nuclear war than it has been in decades. The successful regimes for arms control and nonproliferation, constructed by diplomats and scientists during the Cold War, have been undermined and deconstructed without serious efforts to replace them. The gravity of the nuclear threat is not widely recognized. Hundreds of nuclear missiles are ready for launch on a few minutes’ notice in accordance with the doctrine of mutually assured destruction (MAD). Political leaders are increasingly willing to threaten to use nuclear weapons. Tactical nuclear weapons blur once-clear distinctions between atomic and conventional weapons, eroding the taboo against using nuclear weapons. Hypersonic missiles, autonomous weapons, and artificial intelligence make it easier to blunder into nuclear war. Nuclear issues require detailed understanding and respect for the interactions of science, technology, and world affairs. An annex to the chapter gives a brief introduction to nuclear science and technology.


Author(s):  
Eglė Rindzevičiūtė

This chapter looks at the nuclear winter project, an outcome of global modeling. The idea that the Earth could be plunged into a “nuclear winter” as the catastrophic outcome of a nuclear war was announced by a group of leading climate and environment scientists from the United States, Western Europe, and the Soviet Union shortly after Ronald Reagan delivered his “Star Wars” speech in March 1983. Drawing on experiments with data-based computer models, these scholars claimed that a nuclear war, unlike the two world wars, would be not simply a regional, but a truly global disaster. Nuclear missiles, detonated over urban areas, would ignite massive fire storms, which in turn would propel soot particles and aerosols into high levels of the atmosphere. As a result, the computer models predicted, a dust shield would emerge that would be transported by air currents to both the Northern and Southern hemispheres.


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