Attribution or Delegation of (Legislative) Power by the Security Council? The Case of the United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor (UNTAET)

2002 ◽  
pp. 1-41
2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 562-592
Author(s):  
Wemblley Lucena de Araújo ◽  
Carlos Enrique Ruiz Ferreira

O presente trabalho apresenta um panorama da atuação do Brasil no Conselho de Segurança (CS) da Organização das Nações Unidas (ONU) na qualidade de membro não permanente no biênio 2004-2005. Esse foi o nono mandato brasileiro junto ao Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas (CSNU). Diante da conjuntura analisada, o país já detinha certo protagonismo nas questões que envolvem a paz e a segurança internacional. Destas credenciais, as posições do Brasil nesse biênio estiveram pautadas nos princípios da política externa brasileira, como a ênfase no multilateralismo, resolução de controvérsias por meios pacíficos, respeito à soberania, promoção do desenvolvimento das sociedades pós-conflito e repudio as violações de direitos humanos. O destaque da atuação do Brasil no período em análise tange às principais discussões realizadas no CSNU, tais como: o estabelecimento da MINUSTAH, a reconstrução do Timor Leste, os desafios para o continente africano; o problema das questões nucleares, os conflitos no Oriente Médio e as questões de combate ao terrorismo. Ainda, foi durante este biênio, que o Brasil lançou-se na aliança G4 a fim de fortalecer seu desígnio de compor o CSNU na qualidade de membro permanente.Palavras-chave: Política Externa Brasileira; Conselho de Segurança; Organização das Nações Unidas; Mandato 2004-2005.  Abstract: The present paper shows an overview of Brazil's role in the Security Council (SC) of the United Nations (UN) in the non-permanent membership in 2004-2005. This was the ninth Brazilian mandate in the United Nations Security Council (UNSC). On the analyzed scenario, the country already had a certain role on issues involving peace and international security. These credentials, Brazil's positions in this biennium were guided by the principles of Brazilian foreign policy, as the emphasis on multilateralism, dispute resolution through peaceful means, respect for sovereignty, promoting the development of post-conflict societies and repudiate the human rights violations. The highlight of Brazil's performance in the period under review with respect to major discussions in the UNSC, such as the establishment of MINUSTAH, the reconstruction of East Timor, the challenges for the African continent; the problem of the nuclear issues, conflicts in the Middle East and combat terrorism issues. Still, it was during this biennium, that Brazil was launched in alliance G4 to strengthen his plan to compose the UNSC as a permanent member.Keywords: Brazilian Foreign Policy; Security Council; The United Nations; Mandate 2004-2005.


Author(s):  
Bakare Najimdeen

Few years following its creation, the United Nations (UN) with the blessing of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) decided to establish the UN Peacekeeping Operations (UNPKO), as a multilateral mechanism geared at fulfilling the Chapter VII of the UN Charter which empowered the Security Council to enforce measurement to maintain or restore international peace and security. Since its creation, the multilateral mechanism has recorded several successes and failures to its credit. While it is essentially not like traditional diplomacy, peacekeeping operations have evolved over the years and have emerged as a new form of diplomacy. Besides, theoretically underscoring the differences between diplomacy and foreign policy, which often appear as conflated, the paper demonstrates how diplomacy is an expression of foreign policy. Meanwhile, putting in context the change and transformation in global politics, particularly global conflict, the paper argues that traditional diplomacy has ceased to be the preoccupation and exclusive business of the foreign ministry and career diplomats, it now involves foot soldiers who are not necessarily diplomats but act as diplomats in terms of peacekeeping, negotiating between warring parties, carrying their countries’ emblems and representing the latter in resolving global conflict, and increasingly becoming the representation of their countries’ foreign policy objective, hence peacekeeping military diplomacy. The paper uses decades of Pakistan’s peacekeeping missions as a reference point to establish how a nation’s peacekeeping efforts represent and qualifies as military diplomacy. It also presented the lessons and good practices Pakistan can sell to the rest of the world vis-à-vis peacekeeping and lastly how well Pakistan can consolidate its peacekeeping diplomacy.


The United Nations Secretary-General and the United Nations Security Council spend significant amounts of time on their relationship with each other. They rely on each other for such important activities as peacekeeping, international mediation, and the formulation and application of normative standards in defense of international peace and security—in other words, the executive aspects of the UN’s work. The edited book The UN Secretary-General and the Security Council: A Dynamic Relationship aims to fill an important lacuna in the scholarship on the UN system. Although there exists an impressive body of literature on the development and significance of the Secretariat and the Security Council as separate organs, an important gap remains in our understanding of the interactions between them. Bringing together some of the most prominent authorities on the subject, this volume is the first book-length treatment of this topic. It studies the UN from an innovative angle, creating new insights on the (autonomous) policy-making of international organizations and adding to our understanding of the dynamics of intra-organizational relationships. Within the book, the contributors examine how each Secretary-General interacted with the Security Council, touching upon such issues as the role of personality, the formal and informal infrastructure of the relationship, the selection and appointment processes, as well as the Secretary-General’s threefold role as a crisis manager, administrative manager, and manager of ideas.


2020 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 321-328
Author(s):  
Catherine O’Rourke

AbstractThe gendered implications of COVID-19, in particular in terms of gender-based violence and the gendered division of care work, have secured some prominence, and ignited discussion about prospects for a ‘feminist recovery’. In international law terms, feminist calls for a response to the pandemic have privileged the United Nations Security Council (UNSC), conditioned—I argue—by two decades of the pursuit of the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda through the UNSC. The deficiencies of the UNSC response, as characterised by the Resolution 2532 adopted to address the pandemic, manifest yet again the identified deficiencies of the WPS agenda at the UNSC, namely fragmentation, securitisation, efficacy and legitimacy. What Resolution 2532 does bring, however, is new clarity about the underlying reasons for the repeated and enduring nature of these deficiencies at the UNSC. Specifically, the COVID-19 ‘crisis’ is powerful in exposing the deficiencies of the crisis framework in which the UNSC operates. My reflections draw on insights from Hilary Charlesworth’s seminal contribution ‘International Law: A Discipline of Crisis’ to argue that, instead of conceding the ‘crisis’ framework to the pandemic by prioritising the UNSC, a ‘feminist recovery’ must instead follow Charlesworth’s exhortation to refocus on an international law of the everyday.


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