scholarly journals Power-Sharing in the Local Arena: Man - a Rebel-Held Town in Western Côte d'Ivoire

2009 ◽  
Vol 44 (3) ◽  
pp. 109-131 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kathrin Heitz

In general, peace agreements with power-sharing provisions are analysed at a national level. This article offers insights into the practices of power-sharing in the local arena of western Côte d'Ivoire, in the town of Man. It investigates what brought about a change towards peace in the region of Man and then presents local forms of power-sharing between the community leaders and the rebels who have established a rather complex system of domination and taxation in the territory they occupy. Moreover, the implementation of a territorial power-sharing device, which is part of the peace agreement negotiated among the warring parties at the national level, is analysed: the redeployment of state administration to the rebel-held zones of the country. The ethnographic data on which the article is based reveals that the actors at the local level have their own strategies to address urgent needs and that they play a more active role in peacemaking than is usually acknowledged.

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 21
Author(s):  
N'guessan Simon Andon ◽  
Kouadio Augustin Alla ◽  
Kouacou Jean-Marie Atta

The evolution of tropical forest deforestation in Côte d'Ivoire is very alarming. From 16 million hectares in 1900, the area increased to 9 million hectares in 1965 to less than 2.5 million hectares in 2016. Even forests protected by the State of Côte d'Ivoire are not spared while peri-urban protected forests are the most exposed. The finding reveals many shortcomings in the state monopoly of protected area management. Yet, elsewhere in Africa, many experiences of participatory management have shown significant advances in protection and their introduction in Côte d'Ivoire from 1990. To understand the effectiveness of this new consultation framework adopted as a management tool, national policies and locally adopted strategies on the Mount Korhogo classified forest in northern Côte d'Ivoire have been analyzed. Results show a failure of participation at the national level since 1996 and a lack of participation at the local level. Despite the establishment of a local committee for forest defense and fight against bush fires, the lack of consultation undermines the proper functioning of this organization, thus leading to the exacerbation of deforestation. Mount Korhogo Classified Forest.Keywords: participatory management, consultation framework, protected forest, urbanization, deforestation


2021 ◽  
Vol 53 (2) ◽  
pp. 209-232
Author(s):  
Philip A. Martin ◽  
Giulia Piccolino ◽  
Jeremy S. Speight

How do former armed militants exercise local political power after civil wars end? Building on recent advances in the study of "rebel rulers" and local goods provision by armed groups, this article offers a typology of ex-rebel commander authority that emphasizes two dimensions of former militants' power: local-level ties to civilian populations ruled during civil war and national-level ties to post-conflict state elites. Put together, these dimensions produce four trajectories of ex-rebel authority. These trajectories shape whether and how ex-rebel commanders provide social goods within post-conflict communities and the durability of ex-rebels' local authority over time. We illustrate this typology with qualitative evidence from northern Côte d'Ivoire. The framework yields theoretical insights about local orders after civil war, as well as implications for peacebuilding policies.


2020 ◽  
Vol 57 (1) ◽  
pp. 199-216 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hannah Smidt

False information, rumours and hate speech can incite violent protest and rioting during electoral periods. To counter such disinformation, United Nations peacekeeping operations (PKOs) routinely organize election-education events. While researchers tend to study how PKOs affect armed group and state behaviour, this study shifts the focus to civilians. It argues that PKOs’ election education reduces violent protest and rioting involving civilians during electoral periods via three pathways. First, learning about PKOs’ electoral security assistance during election-education events may convince people that political opponents cannot violently disturb elections, thereby mitigating fears of election violence. Second, election-education events provide politically relevant information that can strengthen political efficacy and people’s ability to make use of peaceful political channels. Finally, peace messages during election-education events can change people’s calculus about the utility and appropriateness of violent behaviour. Together, these activities mitigate fears, reduce political alienation and counter civilians’ willingness to get involved in violence. To test these expectations, I combine survey data on people’ perceptions and attitudes, events data on violent protest and rioting, and a novel dataset on local-level election-education events carried out by the PKO in Côte d’Ivoire before four elections held between 2010 and 2016. The results show that when the PKO is perceived to be an impartial arbiter, its election-education events have violence-mitigating effects at the individual and subnational levels.


Author(s):  
Peace A. Medie

Chapter 7 studies the implementation of the international women’s justice norm at the national level. It shows how pressure from the United Nations shaped the creation of the specialized units in Liberia and Côte d’Ivoire and thus the implementation of the international women’s justice norm. It draws on a range of interviews, including with personnel of the United Nations peacekeeping missions in Liberia and Côte d’Ivoire and the with women’s rights advocates, to demonstrate how this international pressure interacted with domestic pressure and conditions to produce varied implementation outcomes. While high international pressure was sufficient for the creation of the speicalized units, high domestic pressure and favorable political and institutional conditions were needed for rapid institutioanlization.


2017 ◽  
Vol 49 (2) ◽  
pp. 421-441 ◽  
Author(s):  
John F. McCauley ◽  
Daniel N. Posner

Under what conditions does religion become a salient social identity? By measuring religious attachment among the people living astride the Burkina Faso–Côte d’Ivoire border in West Africa, an arbitrary boundary that exposes otherwise similar individuals to different political contexts, this article makes a case for the importance of the political environment in affecting the weight that people attach to their religious identities. After ruling out explanations rooted in the proportion of different religious denominations, the degree of secularization and the supply of religious institutions on either side of the border, as well as differences in the degree of religious pluralism at the national level, it highlights the greater exposure of Ivorian respondents to the politicization of religion during Côte d’Ivoire’s recent civil conflict. Methodologically, the study demonstrates the power – and challenges – of exploiting Africa’s arbitrary borders as a source of causal leverage.


Author(s):  
Koffi Kouablan Edmond ◽  
Yao Saraka Didier Martial ◽  
Kouakou Amani Michel ◽  
N’Zue Boni ◽  
Kobenan Kouman ◽  
...  

Aims: Plant Genetic Resources for Food and Agriculture (PGRFA) flow in research and development area inside and outside many countries are not indexed or listed and are insufficiently documented. In Côte d’Ivoire, when implementing the Multilateral System (MLS) project, a survey was realized with different actors as well at national as international levels to collect data dealing with exchanges flow characteristics of main food crops as yam, cassava, rice and plantain. The objectives of the current study are i) to know about internal and external exchange flow of genetic resources of yam, cassava, rice and plantain in Côte d’Ivoire, ii) to assess Côte d’Ivoire dependence regarding external PGRFA, iii) to indentify international research agreements or research network facilitating Plant Genetic Resources (PGR) in Côte d’Ivoire and iv) to determine constraints or opportunities related to access to external PGR in the future. Study Design: A questionnaire was submitted to actors managing main consumed food crops in Côte d’Ivoire such as yam, cassava, rice and plantain. Place and Duration of Study: Study was conducted in 2019 and sampled data on period starting from 2005 to 2014 about the flow of genetic resources of yam, cassava, rice and plantain inside and outside Côte d’Ivoire located in Western Africa were studied. Methodology: This comprised the collection of data using a questionnaire related to characteristics of PGRFA flow inside and outside Côte d’Ivoire, within institutions in charge of PGRFA. A survey was conducted with national and international actors involved in yam, cassava, rice and plantain genetic resources. Moreover, surveys on PGRFA flow data were supplemented by reports from research programs dedicated to these food crops. Results: Results revealed that genetic resources of yam, cassava, rice and plantain are exchanged at variable levels within different actors. Contrary to plantain, a growth of vegetal material exchange within actors was observed at national level in yam, cassava and rice. PGRFA exchange flow at international level are positively unbalanced in favor of importation from Groupe Consultatif pour la Recherche Agricole Internationale (CGIAR) creating by this way a relatively marked dependence excepted to yam where ongoing varietal breeding relies on local genetic resources. Very few or no data was given back to national research and development institutions and farmers from Côte d’Ivoire on national PGRFA sent outside for breeding purposes. In the same line, neither any law nor regulations were set up at national level to ensure traceability of plant material exchanges according to international agreements and conventions. Conclusion: The consequence of this inventory of fixtures about systems of genetic resources exchange and evolution in Côte d’Ivoire is the lack of regulatory mechanisms allowing populations owning traditional knowledge take profit of an access and a fair sharing of advantages arising from the use of PGRFA as yam, cassava, rice and plantain.


2019 ◽  
Vol 41.3 ◽  
pp. 7000-7014
Author(s):  
Nakouana TIMITE ◽  
Charles SANGNE Yao ◽  
Kouassi Bruno KPANGUI ◽  
Yao Sadaiou Sabas BARIMA

1 RÉSUMÉ La forêt classée du Haut-Sassandra (FCHS) était l’une des forêts classées la mieux conservée avant la crise politico-militaire en Côte d’Ivoire. Cependant, elle a été massivement infiltrée par de nombreuses populations pendant la décennie de crises qu’a connue la Côte d’Ivoire de 2002 à 2011. La présente étude a pour objectif d’identifier les caractéristiques sociodémographiques des populations infiltrées et les pratiques culturales utilisées lors de la mise en place des plantations cacaoyères au sein de la FCHS. Pour y arriver, des enquêtes ont été réalisées de décembre 2017 à janvier 2018 auprès de 82 personnes sur environ une centaine de cacaoculteurs infiltrés dont les parcelles sont contenues dans le bloc 25 de la FCHS. Les enquêtes ont été suivies par des observations directes dans ces cacaoyères. Les résultats ont montré que 95,1 % des cacaoculteurs infiltrés sont des ressortissants Burkinabè, résidant dans les villages et campements riverains du bloc 25 de la FCHS. Ils sont majoritairement des jeunes cacaoculteurs ayant de petites plantations, généralement moins de 6 ha. La mise en place des plantations a débuté pendant la crise et s’est poursuivie après la période de conflits de 2011. Ces plantations ont été installées après défriche de la forêt par semis direct des fèves en utilisant un matériel végétal non sélectionné. Les fréquences de désherbage et de traitement phytosanitaire sont de deux à trois passages par an. Par ailleurs, la non maitrise des bonnes pratiques culturales cacaoyères, associée au manque d’encadrement (du fait de leur présence illégale au sein du domaine protégé de la FCHS), affecte le rendement annuel des plantations cacaoyères qui est d’environ 154 kg/ha contre 395 kg/ha au niveau national. Cocoa farms and farming practices within a federal area: the case of the classified forest of Haut-Sassandra (FCHS) (Côte d'Ivoire) SUMMARY The Haut-Sassandra classified forest (FCHS) was one of the best preserved classified forests before the politico-military crisis in Côte d'Ivoire. However, it was massively infiltrated by many populations during the decade of crises in Côte d'Ivoire from 2002 to 2011. The objective of this study is to identify the socio-demographic characteristics of the infiltrated populations and the farming practices used when setting up cocoa plantations within the FCHS. To achieve this, surveys were conducted from December 2017 to January 2018 among 82 people out of approximately 100 infiltrated cocoa farmers whose plots are contained in FCHS Block 25. The surveys were followed by direct observations in these cocoa farms. The results showed that 95.1% of infiltrated cocoa farmers are Burkinabe nationals, residing in villages and camps along the banks of FCHS Block 25. They are mainly young cocoa farmers with small plantations, generally less than 6 ha. The establishment of plantations began during the crisis and continued after the 2011 conflict period. These plantations were installed after clearing the forest by direct seeding of the beans using unselected plant material. The frequency of weeding and phytosanitary treatment is two to three times a year. In addition, the lack of good cocoa farming practices, combined with the lack of supervision (due to their illegal presence within the FCHS protected area), affects the annual yield of cocoa plantations, which is around 154 kg/ha compared to 395 kg/ha at national level.


Africa ◽  
2003 ◽  
Vol 73 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-30 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas J. Bassett

AbstractThis article examines the resurgence of hunter associations (donzo ton) in Côte d'Ivoire during the 1990s in the context of game depletion, rising crime rates, and a dysfunctional state. Initiated hunters (donzow) are widely respected by the general public for their mystical powers and potent amulets which protect them from malevolent forces in the natural and social worlds. The donzow's success in reducing crime in northern rural areas led to an expansion of the dozon ton to the national level, as donzow were increasingly employed as private security guards in the country's major cities. The government and political parties also employed donzow to complement the police and gendarmes in maintaining order during the 1995 presidential elections. The attempt by politicians to manipulate the donzo ton during re-election campaigns was frustrated by the decentralised structure of the hunters' organisation and the diversity of its membership. Fearing that the donzo ton would become a politically destabilising force, successive governments have attempted to restrict its activities to the northern savanna region. The policy of containing the donzo ton to its so-called ‘original cultural hearth’ is discussed in the framework of the national cultural identity ideology of ivoirité and its xenophobic political manifestations around the 2000 presidential elections.


2004 ◽  
Vol 42 (4) ◽  
pp. 589-617 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lauren Morris MacLean

This article attempts to understand why ethnic-regional civil war has challenged the national unity of Côte d'Ivoire and not Ghana, two neighbouring countries with nearly identical ethnic, religious and regional divisions, by examining politics at the grassroots. Based on a carefully controlled comparison of two similar regions of Côte d'Ivoire and Ghana, the study investigates how participation in local voluntary associations reinforces the local experience of the state to shape the ongoing development of political values and affect the prospects for ethnic peace and democracy. The article finds that participation in ethnically heterogeneous voluntary associations does not necessarily promote democratic values and practice. In fact, in Côte d'Ivoire, participation in ethnically heterogeneous cocoa producer and mutual assistance organisations reinforces vertical patronage networks based on narrower ethnic identities. In contrast, in Ghana, participation in more ethnically homogeneous local church groups encourages the development of democratic values and practices at the local level that mediate the potential for ethnic conflict and support the consolidation of a democratic regime.


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