scholarly journals Mitigating election violence locally: UN peacekeepers’ election-education campaigns in Côte d’Ivoire

2020 ◽  
Vol 57 (1) ◽  
pp. 199-216 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hannah Smidt

False information, rumours and hate speech can incite violent protest and rioting during electoral periods. To counter such disinformation, United Nations peacekeeping operations (PKOs) routinely organize election-education events. While researchers tend to study how PKOs affect armed group and state behaviour, this study shifts the focus to civilians. It argues that PKOs’ election education reduces violent protest and rioting involving civilians during electoral periods via three pathways. First, learning about PKOs’ electoral security assistance during election-education events may convince people that political opponents cannot violently disturb elections, thereby mitigating fears of election violence. Second, election-education events provide politically relevant information that can strengthen political efficacy and people’s ability to make use of peaceful political channels. Finally, peace messages during election-education events can change people’s calculus about the utility and appropriateness of violent behaviour. Together, these activities mitigate fears, reduce political alienation and counter civilians’ willingness to get involved in violence. To test these expectations, I combine survey data on people’ perceptions and attitudes, events data on violent protest and rioting, and a novel dataset on local-level election-education events carried out by the PKO in Côte d’Ivoire before four elections held between 2010 and 2016. The results show that when the PKO is perceived to be an impartial arbiter, its election-education events have violence-mitigating effects at the individual and subnational levels.

Author(s):  
Tladi Dire

This chapter examines the intervention in Côte d’Ivoire by French and UN Forces following the disputed elections in Côte d’Ivoire. It begins by setting out the facts that led to the 2011 post-election violence and the sets out the facts surrounding the intervention by French and UN Forces. It then sets out the positions of the main protagonists (mainly France, ECOWAS, the United States and the UN Secretariat) and the positions of other member States of the United Nations (in particular Russia, Brazil and South Africa). The chapter then assesses the intervention, in particular by the French forces, against the content of the authorising resolution (UNSC Res 1975). It also assesses whether the responsibility to protect doctrine could provide authority for the intervention.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matteo Pedercini ◽  
Steven Arquitt ◽  
David Collste ◽  
Hans Herren

In combination, policies for sustainable development can work together and synergize. In so doing, the resulting impact of a strategic policy mix can be greater than the sum of the individual policies of its individual parts. That synergetic potential can be utilized to attain strategic objectives. This is the case when it comes to achieving the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) of the United Nations 2030 Agenda. However, identifying and quantifying these synergetic interactions is infeasible with traditional approaches to policy analysis. In this paper we present a method for identifying these interactions and assessing them quantitatively. We also introduce a typology of five classes of synergy that enables an understanding of their structures. We operationalize the typology by the use of pilot studies of SDG strategies undertaken in Senegal, Côte d’Ivoire, and Malawi. In the pilots, the Integrated Sustainable Development Goal (iSDG) model was used to simulate the effects of policies over the SDG time horizon. In each case, synergetic interactions contribute to potential SDG attainment. We estimate the value of these interactions to be 2.8% of GDP for Côte d’Ivoire, 4.4% for Malawi, and 0.7% for Senegal. We conclude that enhanced understanding of synergies in sustainable development planning can contribute to progress on the SDGs – and set free substantial amounts of resources.


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 21
Author(s):  
N'guessan Simon Andon ◽  
Kouadio Augustin Alla ◽  
Kouacou Jean-Marie Atta

The evolution of tropical forest deforestation in Côte d'Ivoire is very alarming. From 16 million hectares in 1900, the area increased to 9 million hectares in 1965 to less than 2.5 million hectares in 2016. Even forests protected by the State of Côte d'Ivoire are not spared while peri-urban protected forests are the most exposed. The finding reveals many shortcomings in the state monopoly of protected area management. Yet, elsewhere in Africa, many experiences of participatory management have shown significant advances in protection and their introduction in Côte d'Ivoire from 1990. To understand the effectiveness of this new consultation framework adopted as a management tool, national policies and locally adopted strategies on the Mount Korhogo classified forest in northern Côte d'Ivoire have been analyzed. Results show a failure of participation at the national level since 1996 and a lack of participation at the local level. Despite the establishment of a local committee for forest defense and fight against bush fires, the lack of consultation undermines the proper functioning of this organization, thus leading to the exacerbation of deforestation. Mount Korhogo Classified Forest.Keywords: participatory management, consultation framework, protected forest, urbanization, deforestation


2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (6) ◽  
pp. 102 ◽  
Author(s):  
Djedjro C. Akmel ◽  
Arsene L. I Nogbou ◽  
Ibrahima Cisse ◽  
Kouassi E. Kakou ◽  
Kisselmina Youssouf Kone ◽  
...  

The purposes of this study were to compare the modalities of the post-harvest practices of these two groups and to statistically identify the modalities responsible of non-quality (under grade) on the basis of results of Pareto chart and proportion of successes calculated for each modality. A survey about of modalities of post-harvest processing methods and about the quality of the beans obtained was conducted among producers of the largest producing region of Côte d’Ivoire. The collected data were analyzed by the chi-square test of concordance and the Pareto chart. The results show that there is no correlation between practice of the individual farmers and the farmers in cooperatives. Highly significant differences (p-value < 0.001) were observed in the number of brewing; the fermentation time; the materials of fermentation and drying impacting the quality of merchantable cocoa. Samples collected from farmers into cooperatives have fewer defects than those of individual farmers. Regarding the modalities of the post-harvest practice responsible of the under-grades, the results showed that the samples of farmers in cooperatives had fewer defects than those of individual farmers. Thus, obtaining a good quality cocoa beans must take into account the best modality at each step of post-harvest practices. However certain modality should be avoided. These are: the time breaking pods of one day; the absence of brewing during the fermentation; the time of fermentation less than or equal to three days and the time of drying less than or equal to two days.


2004 ◽  
Vol 42 (4) ◽  
pp. 589-617 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lauren Morris MacLean

This article attempts to understand why ethnic-regional civil war has challenged the national unity of Côte d'Ivoire and not Ghana, two neighbouring countries with nearly identical ethnic, religious and regional divisions, by examining politics at the grassroots. Based on a carefully controlled comparison of two similar regions of Côte d'Ivoire and Ghana, the study investigates how participation in local voluntary associations reinforces the local experience of the state to shape the ongoing development of political values and affect the prospects for ethnic peace and democracy. The article finds that participation in ethnically heterogeneous voluntary associations does not necessarily promote democratic values and practice. In fact, in Côte d'Ivoire, participation in ethnically heterogeneous cocoa producer and mutual assistance organisations reinforces vertical patronage networks based on narrower ethnic identities. In contrast, in Ghana, participation in more ethnically homogeneous local church groups encourages the development of democratic values and practices at the local level that mediate the potential for ethnic conflict and support the consolidation of a democratic regime.


2020 ◽  
Vol 23 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 226-248
Author(s):  
Alexander Gilder

Abstract This article engages specifically with the local turn in UN peace operations by looking at local engagement and empowerment in the UN Operation in Côte d’Ivoire. After the closure of a long-serving UN peace operation it is important to take stock of the activities pursued under the mandate and reflect on how the mission has contributed to peacekeeping practice. UN peace operations have increasingly undertaken peacebuilding activities at the local level with current literature emphasising the need to involve local actors in decision-making and reconciliation activities. In seeking to uncover how the UN understands the need to involve local actors, the mission activities of unoci are broken down into a number of themes looking at how the local are engaged, given agency and empowered, and also where the UN recognises specific vulnerabilities of persons. The article shows how the UN portrays its activities and where it has either expressly or impliedly sought to demonstrate a concern for the local in Côte d’Ivoire.


2009 ◽  
Vol 44 (3) ◽  
pp. 109-131 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kathrin Heitz

In general, peace agreements with power-sharing provisions are analysed at a national level. This article offers insights into the practices of power-sharing in the local arena of western Côte d'Ivoire, in the town of Man. It investigates what brought about a change towards peace in the region of Man and then presents local forms of power-sharing between the community leaders and the rebels who have established a rather complex system of domination and taxation in the territory they occupy. Moreover, the implementation of a territorial power-sharing device, which is part of the peace agreement negotiated among the warring parties at the national level, is analysed: the redeployment of state administration to the rebel-held zones of the country. The ethnographic data on which the article is based reveals that the actors at the local level have their own strategies to address urgent needs and that they play a more active role in peacemaking than is usually acknowledged.


2021 ◽  
Vol 53 (2) ◽  
pp. 209-232
Author(s):  
Philip A. Martin ◽  
Giulia Piccolino ◽  
Jeremy S. Speight

How do former armed militants exercise local political power after civil wars end? Building on recent advances in the study of "rebel rulers" and local goods provision by armed groups, this article offers a typology of ex-rebel commander authority that emphasizes two dimensions of former militants' power: local-level ties to civilian populations ruled during civil war and national-level ties to post-conflict state elites. Put together, these dimensions produce four trajectories of ex-rebel authority. These trajectories shape whether and how ex-rebel commanders provide social goods within post-conflict communities and the durability of ex-rebels' local authority over time. We illustrate this typology with qualitative evidence from northern Côte d'Ivoire. The framework yields theoretical insights about local orders after civil war, as well as implications for peacebuilding policies.


Author(s):  
Kathrin Heitz

Kathrin Heitz discusses the case of Côte d’Ivoire – a classic case of Franco-African partnership until the mid-1990s – setting the experience of 1960 in the context of the memory expressed in 2010 within a then-divided country. The author seeks the remembrance of the fundamental change that took place during the transfer of power in local narratives. Informants over sixty, from the city of Man in the western part of the country, give accounts of this event that show that the transition was not necessarily interpreted as political event. As Heitz demonstrates, many locals in the present day link the idea of independence with the end of forced labour (a colonial practice abolished in 1946), and refer to the 1969 celebration of independence that was a particularly impressive spectacle. This chapter thereby aims, from the perspective of a secondary administrative town, to give a voice and a perspective on independence to non-intellectuals at the local level in Côte d’Ivoire.


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