Post-Gaddafi Libya and the African Union: Challenges and the Road to Sustainable Peace

2015 ◽  
Vol 52 (3) ◽  
pp. 271-286 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mediel Hove
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
United States Of America ◽  
The United States ◽  
United Nations Security Council ◽  
African Union ◽  
The Road ◽  
Active Involvement ◽  
Sustainable Peace ◽  
Resolution 1973 ◽  
The Arab Spring

The overthrow of dictatorial regimes in Tunisia and Egypt by revolutionary demonstrations during the Arab Spring in 2011 inspired Libyans to depose the Gaddafi regime. The heavy handedness of Gaddafi attracted the intervention of the West and the United States under the emblem of the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1973. The article argues that instead of effecting regime change, the demonstrations whose epicentre was Benghazi culminated in a deeply contested civil war. This was caused partly by the United States of America and its allies’ active involvement at the expense of the African Union and its member states.

INTRODUCTORY NOTE

2020 ◽  
pp. 439-452
Author(s):  
Geert-Jan Alexander Knoops
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
United States Of America ◽  
International Criminal Court ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Trial Chamber ◽  
Criminal Court ◽  
United Nations Security Council ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
Introductory Note

The International Criminal Court has experienced a revival in 2018 in terms of activity and new cases and new stages of proceedings brought either before the Pre-Trial, Trial, or Appeals Chamber. These include the two cases in the Central African Republic; a new case before the Appeals Chamber in relation to the United Nations Security Council referral of Jordan for non-cooperation; the Prosecutor has requested an exceptional ruling on an issue concerning jurisdiction of the crime of deportation; a defendant was acquitted by the Appeals Chamber, overturning an earlier conviction by the Trial Chamber. Finally, in the year 2018 unprecedented attacks were made against the Court by government officials of both the United States of America and the Philippines, while the issue of the removal immunities in the Al-Bashir case remains controversial.

Thinking About Scots Law

1996 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-24 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alan Rodger
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
British Empire ◽  
United States Of America ◽  
Case Law ◽  
The United States ◽  
Memorial Lecture ◽  
University Of Edinburgh ◽  
The University

This article is the revised text of the first W A Wilson Memorial Lecture, given in the Playfair Library, Old College, in the University of Edinburgh, on 17 May 1995. It considers various visions of Scots law as a whole, arguing that it is now a system based as much upon case law and precedent as upon principle, and that its departure from the Civilian tradition in the nineteenth century was part of a general European trend. An additional factor shaping the attitudes of Scots lawyers from the later nineteenth century on was a tendency to see themselves as part of a larger Englishspeaking family of lawyers within the British Empire and the United States of America.

Off to a bad start: John Adams’s tussle over titles

2008 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
Author(s):  
James C Alexander
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
United States Of America ◽  
Vice President ◽  
The United States ◽  
John Adams ◽  
The Press ◽  
First Session

From the first days, of the first session, of the first Congress of the United States, the Senate was consumed by an issue that would do immense and lasting political harm to the sitting vice president, John Adams. The issue was a seemingly unimportant one: titles. Adams had strong opinions on what constituted a proper title for important officers of government and, either because he was unconcerned or unaware of the damage it would cause, placed himself in the middle of the brewing dispute. Adams hoped the president would be referred to as, “His highness, the President of the United States of America, and Protector of the Rights of the Same.” The suggestion enraged many, amused some, and was supported by few. He lost the fight over titles and made fast enemies with several of the Senators he was constitutionally obligated to preside over. Adams was savaged in the press, derided in the Senate and denounced by one of his oldest and closest friends. Not simply an isolated incident of political tone-deafness, this event set the stage for the campaign against Adams as a monarchist and provided further proof of his being woefully out of touch.

The Washington Consensus, liberal ideas and terms of the military-technological policy

2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (11) ◽  
pp. 2103-2123
Author(s):  
V.L. Gladyshevskii ◽  
E.V. Gorgola ◽  
D.V. Khudyakov
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Production Management ◽  
Developed Countries ◽  
The United States ◽  
Internal Quality ◽  
Industrial Complex ◽  
Active Involvement ◽  
Military Industrial Complex ◽  
Industrial Complexes ◽  
The Military

Subject. In the twentieth century, the most developed countries formed a permanent military economy represented by military-industrial complexes, which began to perform almost a system-forming role in national economies, acting as the basis for ensuring national security, and being an independent military and political force. The United States is pursuing a pronounced militaristic policy, has almost begun to unleash a new "cold war" against Russia and to unwind the arms race, on the one hand, trying to exhaust the enemy's economy, on the other hand, to reindustrialize its own economy, relying on the military-industrial complex. Objectives. We examine the evolution, main features and operational distinctions of the military-industrial complex of the United States and that of the Russian Federation, revealing sources of their military-technological and military-economic advancement in comparison with other countries. Methods. The study uses military-economic analysis, scientific and methodological apparatus of modern institutionalism. Results. Regulating the national economy and constant monitoring of budget financing contribute to the rise of military production, especially in the context of austerity and crisis phenomena, which, in particular, justifies the irrelevance of institutionalists' conclusions about increasing transaction costs and intensifying centralization in the industrial production management with respect to to the military-industrial complex. Conclusions. Proving to be much more efficient, the domestic military-industrial complex, without having such access to finance as the U.S. military monopolies, should certainly evolve and progress, strengthening the coordination, manageability, planning, maximum cost reduction, increasing labor productivity, and implementing an internal quality system with the active involvement of the State and its resources.

Armed Violence in the Ideology of Contemporary Islamic Fundamentalism - Study models

2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 237
Author(s):  
Laith Mzahim Khudair Kazem
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
United States Of America ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Other ◽  
Islamic Fundamentalism ◽  
Islamic Movements ◽  
Important Means ◽  
Armed Violence ◽  
Goals And Objectives ◽  
At Home

The armed violence of many radical Islamic movements is one of the most important means to achieve the goals and objectives of these movements. These movements have legitimized and legitimized these violent practices and constructed justification ideologies in order to justify their use for them both at home against governments or against the other Religiously, intellectually and even culturally, or abroad against countries that call them the term "unbelievers", especially the United States of America.

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