Dynamics of Political Violence: A Process-Oriented Perspective on Radicalization and the Escalation of Political Conflict

2015 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-23
Author(s):  
Patricia G. Steinhoff
2014 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 82-89 ◽  
Author(s):  
E. Mark Cummings ◽  
Marcie C. Goeke-Morey ◽  
Christine E. Merrilees ◽  
Laura K. Taylor ◽  
Peter Shirlow

2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Dominic Rohner

AbstractThe COVID-19 pandemic entails a medium- and long-run risk of heightened political conflict. In this short essay we distinguish four major consequences of COVID-19 that may fuel social tensions and political violence, namely i) spiking poverty, ii) education under stress, iii) potential for repression, and iv) reduced inter-dependence. After discussing them in turn, we will formulate policy recommendations on how to attenuate these risks.


2012 ◽  
Vol 9 (5) ◽  
pp. 481-498 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Hagan ◽  
Joshua Kaiser ◽  
Daniel Rothenberg ◽  
Anna Hanson ◽  
Patricia Parker

Economic conflict crimes are defined in this paper as violations of international human rights and humanitarian law, as well as domestic law, associated with military and political conflict and producing significant monetary as well as other forms of suffering for civilians. Criminologists are well positioned by disciplinary emphasis to document and explain military and political violence resulting in economic conflict crimes. Criminal victimization associated with the US-led invasion of Iraq imposed an enormous toll on civilians. Yet there is little attention by criminologists or others to the profound economic costs to Iraqis, whether through lost property, life, or opportunities. We cautiously estimate that the economic losses for households in the city of Baghdad alone were almost US$100 billion, and more than three times this amount for the entire country, with Sunni groups experiencing significantly greater losses than others. So far as we know, our article presents the first estimates of civilian losses from economic conflict crimes that followed the US-led invasion of Iraq. These losses were widespread and systematic, the hallmarks of crimes against humanity.


2016 ◽  
Vol 61 (1) ◽  
pp. 84-113 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daphna Canetti ◽  
Julia Elad-Strenger ◽  
Iris Lavi ◽  
Dana Guy ◽  
Daniel Bar-Tal

Does ongoing exposure to political violence prompt subject groups to support or oppose compromise in situations of intractable conflict? If so, what is the mechanism underlying these processes? Political scholarship neither offers conclusive arguments nor sufficiently addresses individual-level forms of exposure to violence in the context of political conflict, particularly the factors mediating political outcomes. We address this by looking at the impact of exposure to political violence, psychological distress, perceived threat, and ethos of conflict on support for political compromise. A mediated model is hypothesized whereby exposure to political violence provokes support for the ethos of conflict and hinders support for compromise through perceived psychological distress and perceived national threat. We examined representative samples of two parties to the same conflict: Israelis ( N = 781) and Palestinians from Gaza, East Jerusalem, and the West Bank ( N = 1,196). The study’s main conclusion is that ethos of conflict serves as a mediating variable in the relationship between exposure to violence and attitudes toward peaceful settlement of the conflict.


Author(s):  
Jacob Walden ◽  
Yuri M. Zhukov

Legacies of political violence are long-term changes in social behavior and attitudes, which are attributable—at least in part—to historical episodes of political conflict and contention. These legacies can potentially reshape the subsequent political and social order. Their catalysts can range from armed conflict, mass repression, and genocide to oppressive institutions and interpersonal violence. The lasting effects of violence include changes in political participation and preferences, intergroup relations, economic activity and growth, and public health outcomes. Estimating these effects presents a methodological challenge, due to selection, posttreatment bias, and the difficulty of isolating specific mechanisms. These challenges are particularly acute given the long time span inherent in studying historical legacies, where effects may be measured generations or centuries after the precipitating event. Understanding these legacies requires distinguishing between persistence mechanisms, where effects of violence continue within an individual directly exposed to violence through trauma, and the secondary transmission of effects between individuals through family socialization, community and peer influences, institutionalization, and epigenetic and evolutionary changes. Research on this subject remains nascent—across many disciplines—and inconclusive on whether violence fosters mostly negative or positive forms of social and political change.


Author(s):  
Christian Davenport ◽  
Erik Melander ◽  
Patrick Regan

The idea of studying peace—rather than studying war, genocide, and political violence and then inferring about peace—has gained considerable traction in the past few years, after languishing in the shadows of conflict studies for decades. But how should peace be studied? The book offers a parallax view of how we think about peace and the complexities that surround the concept—that is, the book explores the topic from different positions at the same time. Toward this end, the authors review existing literature and provide insights into how peace should be conceptualized—particularly as something more than the absence of conflict. They provide an approach that can help scholars overcome what the authors see as the initial shock of unpacking the “zero” in the war–peace model of conflict studies. Additionally, they provide a framework for understanding how peace and conflict have and have not been related to one another in the literature. Finally, they put forward three alternative ways that peace can be studied, thereby avoiding any attempt to control the emerging peace research agenda and, rather, assisting in and encouraging thinking about a topic we all have some opinions on but that has yet to be measured and analyzed in a way comparable to that of political conflict and violence.


Author(s):  
Olga Skarlato ◽  
Sean Byrne ◽  
Kawser Ahmed ◽  
Julie Hyde ◽  
Peter Karari

Following the 1998 Belfast/Good Friday Agreement many community-based organizations became involved in localized peace-building activities in Northern Ireland and the Border Counties. Drawing financial support from the EU Programme for Peace and Reconciliation and the International Fund for Ireland, these organizations adopted various strategic mechanisms to implement their projects –synchronizing bottom-up development initiatives with top-level government policies. Their effectiveness has already been felt in Northern Ireland as reduced political violence and improved socioeconomic conditions. However, the long-term sustainability of this work is questionable, affected as it is by continued intercommunity segregation, low macro-level political support, and global economic instability. This article explores the perceptions of 120 civil society leaders regarding the peace-building practices employed by community-based organizations in Northern Ireland and the Border Counties. Key elements of an effective peace-building model are suggested that may contribute to the improvement of peace-building and reconciliation efforts in other contexts affected by ethno-political conflict.


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