Union Democracy in Today's Labor Movement

2021 ◽  
pp. 0160449X2110449
Author(s):  
Steven K. Ashby
2014 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 244-253
Author(s):  
Gérard Dion

Summary In an industrial and democratic civilization, labor unionism appears as a normal and essential institution. Born of democracy, it helps to preserve and develop democratic life. There is, however, an essential condition. It must be itself an institution that really represents the workers and gives them the opportunity of expressing their aspirations while safeguarding their economic and professional interests. Union democracy is a necessity for the national welfare. But, above all, democracy in the labor movement is the direct responsability of union leaders who must ensure its maintenance and survival through good institutions and also by their cooperation in the civic education of the rank-and-file members.


2008 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-111 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sakhela Buhlungu

From 1973 to 2000, the emerging black union movement in South Africa made efforts to construct a collectivist and democratic organizational culture. The development and decline of this culture correspond with three phases in the history of the black trade union movement. Political and economic changes in the past fifteen years have affected this culture, specifically the unions' political engagement and new pressures arising out of globalization. However, although it is true that union democracy in the South African labor movement is under stress, it is premature to conclude that this labor movement has become oligarchic.


Asian Survey ◽  
1977 ◽  
Vol 17 (10) ◽  
pp. 931-951 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bevars D. Mabry
Keyword(s):  

1991 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 53-70
Author(s):  
I. G. Shablinskii
Keyword(s):  

Author(s):  
Joana Dias Pereira

This article main goal is to deepen the understanding both a spatial reality and a historical process – the emergency of industrial areas and workers communities.  It seeks to illustrate, through an empirical and monographic research, several territorial and spatial phenomena related to the germination of intricate social networks in the workers neighborhoods and villages and the rise of the labor movement. It attempts to demonstrate that, if many questions still prevail concerning the relationships between economic structure and political action, it is clear that the origin of the workers mass associations is deeply related with industrialization, urbanization and the sociability framework resulting of both processes.


Author(s):  
Emily E. LB. Twarog

In 1973, housewives in California launched what would be the last meat boycott of the twentieth century. And, like its predecessors, the 1973 boycott gained national momentum albeit with little political traction now that Peterson had left public life for a job in the private sector as the consumer advisor to the Giant grocery store chain. And in some quarters of the labor movement, activists drew very clear links between the family economy and the stagnation plaguing workers’ wages. The 1973 boycott led to the founding of the National Consumers Congress, a national organization intended to unite consumer organizers. While it was a short-lived organization, it demonstrates the momentum that consumer activism was building. This chapter also reflects on the lost coordinating opportunity between housewives organizing around consumer issues and the women’s movement in the 1970s.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document