O mundo urbano do trabalho no alvorecer da industrialização: o caso da Península de Setúbal

Author(s):  
Joana Dias Pereira

This article main goal is to deepen the understanding both a spatial reality and a historical process – the emergency of industrial areas and workers communities.  It seeks to illustrate, through an empirical and monographic research, several territorial and spatial phenomena related to the germination of intricate social networks in the workers neighborhoods and villages and the rise of the labor movement. It attempts to demonstrate that, if many questions still prevail concerning the relationships between economic structure and political action, it is clear that the origin of the workers mass associations is deeply related with industrialization, urbanization and the sociability framework resulting of both processes.

Author(s):  
Anne Gessler

In 1897, the confluence of a four-year national depression; interracial violence; unpredictable flooding and epidemics; and legalized segregation and disenfranchisement spelled intense social disruption for New Orleanians of color and impoverished whites. Trem-based Creoles of color joined a renewed effort to bring utopian socialism to bear on state-sanctioned economic and political oppression. Meeting in integrated labor halls and saloons, multiracial socialists and labor activists translated American, Caribbean, and European utopian socialist theory into a cooperative blueprint for equitably integrating unemployed workers into the city’s economic structure. These interracial utopian socialists, called the Brotherhood of Co-operative Commonwealth, and later, the Laboring Men’s Protective Association, built coalitions with labor, women’s rights, and political reform allies to temporarily reknit the city’s fractured labor movement, improve the city’s crumbling infrastructure, and implement an egalitarian public welfare system to benefit all New Orleanians.


2017 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 260-289 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raul Lejano ◽  
Ernest Chui ◽  
Timothy Lam ◽  
Jovial Wong

Policy scholars need to better describe the diversity of actors and interests that forge collective political action through nonformal social networks. The authors find extant theories of collective action to only partially explain such heterogeneity, which is exemplified by the urban protest movements in Hong Kong. A new concept, that of the narrative-network, appears better able to describe movements chiefly characterized by heterogeneity. Instead of simple commonalities among members, a relevant property is the plurivocity of narratives told by members of the coalition. Analyzing ethnographic interviews of members of the movement, the authors illustrate the utility of narrative-network analysis in explaining the complex and multiple motivations behind participation. Narrativity and the shared act of narration, within an inclusive and democratic community, are part of what sustains the movement. The research further develops the theory of the narrative-network, which helps explain the rise of street protest in Hong Kong as an emergent, alternative form of civic engagement.


2002 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Matko Mestrovic

Abstract: This paper seeks to articulate some of the frames, conditions, and alternatives for sociocultural evolution in the new millennium. Two frameworks are applied to this task: Francis Fukuyama's interpretation of historical process and Ervin Laszlo's concepts of intensive and extensive evolutionary modalities. In the context of the dynamics of the global economy, the paper considers the need to improve contemporary democracy, the role of artists in this struggle, and the importance of social networks and trust in underlining the functioning of society and economy. It also contemplates the possibilities of the voluntary sector as a realm where fiduciary arrangements give way to community bonds, and considers whether a social economy model could become an alternate institutional framework for civilizations in transition. Résumé: Cet article cherche à articuler certains des cadres, conditions et possibilités d'une évolution socioculturelle au début de ce nouveau millénaire. Pour accomplir cette tâche, il a recours à deux approches théoriques: l'interprétation de processus historiques de Francis Fukuyama et les concepts de modalités évolutionnistes intensives et extensives d'Ervin Laszlo. Dans le contexte de la dynamique de l'économie mondiale, cet article considère le besoin d'améliorer la démocratie contemporaine, le rôle des artistes dans cette tâche, et l'importance de réseaux sociaux et de confiance pour le fonctionnement de la société et de l'économie. L'article contemple aussi les possibilités du bénévolat, qui pourrait remplacer des arrangements fiduciaires par des liens communautaires, et se demande si un modèle d'économie sociale pourrait devenir un cadre institutionnel de remplacement pour les civilisations en transition.


Author(s):  
John B. Jentz ◽  
Richard Schneirov

This chapter looks at Chicago's working class during the 1873 depression, during which all major industries experienced steep declines in revenues, and perhaps a third of the nation's workers lost their jobs. With the start of the 1873 depression, it quickly became apparent that the city's unskilled, largely immigrant working class could not be ignored. Distinctly different from the crowds during the eight-hour strike in 1867, the marches of the unemployed in December 1873 marked a new era in the history of Chicago's working class. Indeed, the December 1873 marches helped push the city's upper class into new self-awareness and political action, while crystallizing divisions between Anglo Americans and central Europeans in the Chicago labor movement.


AWARI ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexis Torreblanca Urzúa

This article discusses Putnam’s (2007) proposal about the possibility that intercultural heterogeneity may negatively affect social capital creation in the short term while also negatively affecting associativity. This issue will be discussed in relation to the case of collective political action by migrant organizations, namely MovimientoAcciónMigrante (MAM) and Coordinadora Nacional de Inmigrantes (CNI) in Chile during the 2014-2017 period. From a social network perspective, this article describes the context of the Chilean socio-political integration model, by both characterizing these groups and exploring the existence of—or lack thereof—politicization and social capital. This exercise seeks to elucidate whether these groups may or may not be considered social networks. By using a mixed-methods approach that included interviews and social network analysis techniques, the researchers accounted for here explores the question: Which are the politicization strategies used by socio-political networks composed by multicultural migrant organizations in the Chilean public sphere? From a combined perspective of political science and network analysis, this article addresses politicization and collective action of these collectives in Chile.


2014 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 244-262
Author(s):  
Adolf Sturmthal

This is an attempt to formulate, at an early stage of a research project, some hypotheses on the relationship between the labor movement and political action.


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