The Petty Bourgeoisie, Social Unrest, And the Working Class an Analysis of Class Disappearance and its Effects on Social Unrest and the Community

1981 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 32-47 ◽  
Author(s):  
Samuel R. Friedman
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Social Unrest ◽  
Petty Bourgeoisie

Peasant revolts against the peasant revolution

2020 ◽  
pp. 155-167
Author(s):  
Viktor F. Isaychikov
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
October Revolution ◽  
Socialist Revolution ◽  
Great October Socialist Revolution ◽  
Class Composition ◽  
Petty Bourgeoisie ◽  
Peasant Revolution ◽  
Social Causes ◽  
Small Working

Тhe peasant revolts, wars, and revolutions known in history had both revolutionary and reactionary sides. A particularly complex interweaving was observed in Russia (USSR) in the first third of the 20th century due to the maximum number of economic structures and classes in the country and four revolutions. The main reason for the struggle of the peasant classes, including re-volts, was poverty, caused by both agrarian overpopulation and social causes, among which the main one before the October revolution was the remnants of feudalism. All four revolutions in Russia were largely peasant revolutions, but they differed in class composition and class leader-ship. As a result of the Great October socialist revolution, a joint dictatorship of the working class and the peasantry (the petty bourgeoisie) was established in the country, not predicted by K. Marx, but foreseen by V.I. Lenin. However, the small working class after V.I. Lenin’s death could not hold on to power, and as a result of the “Stalinist” counter-revolution, an internally unstable dictatorship of the petty bourgeoisie (peasantry) was established in the country. We reveal the class processes in the peasantry that led to revolts and revolutions.

Pittsburgh and North

2019 ◽  
pp. 6-17
Author(s):  
Terry Chester Shulman
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Social Unrest ◽  
Steel Mills ◽  
Immigrant Mother ◽  
Irish Americans

A look at the impoverished working-class city of Pittsburgh that Maurice Costello was born into in 1877. Amid devastating economic and social unrest, his Irish immigrant mother struggles to support herself and her infant son after the death of his father in the steel mills. As Maurice reaches adulthood, the rise of Irish Americans in the entertainment world offers a way out. He cuts his professional teeth with the Harry Davis Company inthe heart of the city’s vibrant theatrical district, before striking out on his own as a traveling actor.

Workers’ Housing and Houses: Interwar Planning from Dessau to Detroit

2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 314-335
Author(s):  
Michael McCulloch
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Working Class ◽  
World War ◽  
Social Unrest ◽  
Transatlantic Comparison ◽  
Housing Shortages ◽  
American Case

Facing post–World War I housing shortages and the prospect of social unrest, policymakers on both sides of the Atlantic supported the construction of modern workers’ dwellings. Their efforts produced an extraordinary volume of new units, transforming the working-class experience. Yet, architectural and planning historians have overlooked the comparative potential in this body of work, which includes landmarks of modernism and wood-framed bungalows. This article contributes a transatlantic comparison. It explores European and US policies and projects, shedding light on the particularity of the American case, epitomized by Detroit, where in the absence of planned developments workers sought houses as independent consumers.

Mass Movements and the Petty Bourgeoisie: the Social Origins of ICU Leadership, 1924–1929

1984 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 295-310 ◽  
Author(s):  
Helen Bradford
Keyword(s):  
Middle Class ◽  
Working Class ◽  
Mass Movements ◽  
Social Origins ◽  
Men And Women ◽  
Lower Middle Class ◽  
Petty Bourgeoisie ◽  
The Social

Radical historians criticizing leaders of the Industrial and Commercial Workers' Union have focused on their petty bourgeois origins. This article argues that although most organizers of the later 1920s did not derive from the working class, neither were they able to base themselves securely within the petty bourgeoisie. Instead, like lower-middle-class Africans in general, they were being forced ever further from the white bourgeoisie and ever closer to the black masses. This was apparent in all spheres of life – economic, political, cultural, social and ideological – and was also increasingly evident in protest. As racially oppressed men and women subject to proletarianization and engaged in struggle, ICU leaders do not fit neatly into schemas which stress the bourgeois nature of the petty bourgeoisie.

scholarly journals DUALISMO ECONOMICO E MOBILITÀ SOCIALE IN ITALIA. UN CONFRONTO TRA CENTRO-SETTENTRIONALI, MERIDIONALI E IMMIGRATI INTERNI

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nazareno Panichella
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Social Mobility ◽  
Geographical Mobility ◽  
Gender And Education ◽  
Petty Bourgeoisie ◽  
The Social ◽  
Negative Effect ◽  
Internal Migrants ◽  
Positive Effect ◽  
Urban Working

This paper studies the association between south-to-north internal geographical mobility and social mobility in Italy. Two issued are analysed: the association between migration and social mobility pathways, comparing the movers with the stayers, i.e. those who did not experienced any episode of geographical mobility; b) whether the effect of south-to-north mobility changes according to gender and education. Analyses are based on the Longitudinal Survey on Italian Households (ILHS) and use Mobility tables and Linear Regression Panel Models with random effects. Results shown that the social mobility of internal migrants are characterized by three main pathways: a) to the urban working class, which concerned the southerners originally from the lower classes, especially the children of peasants and laborers; b) to the white collars, which instead mainly concerned the bourgeois and the white-collar middle class; c) mixed pathways, which involved people from the petty bourgeoisie and the urban working class. Results also shown a gender divide, where a positive effect of geographical mobility is found for men and a negative one for women. Finally, the negative effect among women is confirmed only when they are lower educated.

Response to Sklar

1991 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 214-220 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steven Hahn
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Rural Population ◽  
The State ◽  
Capitalist Class ◽  
Corporate Sector ◽  
Alternative Path ◽  
Petty Bourgeoisie ◽  
The People ◽  
Managerial Class

Near the end of his important and challenging essay, Martin J. Sklar briefly considers an alternative path of development to the corporate-liberal reorganization that he identifies with the era between the 1890s and 1916. “A statist resolution might have taken hold,” Sklar writes,had the American capitalist class, or its corporate sector, been less developed in its market powers and proficiencies and hence more dependent on the state for its wealth and power; had the liberal republican tradition of the supremacy of society over the state (the sovereignty of the people) been weaker; had the working class been less imbued with that republican ideology, less developed, and hence more inclined to statist rather than associative-constitutional ideas and principles; had the corporate sector of the capitalist class sought and found alliance with a statist-oriented sector of the working class or a statist-oriented petty bourgeoisie, especially in the farm and rural population; had the corporate sector of the capitalist class sought and found alliance with civilian or military professionals, technicians, administrators, and managers—or a “managerial class”—looking to the state as a base of power. (p. 210)

The Saro in the political life of early Port Harcourt, 1913–49

1989 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 125-138 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mac Dixon-Fyle
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Sierra Leone ◽  
Ethnic Relations ◽  
West African ◽  
Economic Life ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Petty Bourgeoisie ◽  
Port Harcourt ◽  
West African Coast ◽  
Social Affinity

The western-educated Krio population of Sierra Leone participated in British imperial activity along the West African coast in the nineteenth century. Facing a far more complex ethnic configuration than their counterparts in Yorubaland, the Sierra Leoneans (Saro) in Port Harcourt, Nigeria, acquired much influence through the manipulation of class and ethnic relations. Though most Saro here had a modest education and were working-class, a few came to form the cream of the petty-bourgeoisie and were active in economic life and city administration. Potts-Johnson, arguably their most famous member, developed a flair for operating in his middle-class world, and also in the cultural orbit of the local and immigrant working-class. I. B. Johnson, another prominent Saro, lacked this quality. Though presenting a homogenous ethnic front, celebrated in the Sierra Leone Union and in church activity, Saro society was sharply polarized on class lines, a weakness not to be lost on the numerically superior and ambitious indigenous population. Faced with a choice, the indigenes opted for the avuncular Potts-Johnson, for whom they felt a greater social affinity than for the more distant I. B. Johnson. After Potts-Johnson, however, no Saro was to be allowed scope to develop a similar appeal.

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