FORMATION AND SOCIAL STRUCTURE CITY COUNCILS IN THE 1870–1880s AND THEIR SOCIAL STRUCTURE (BASED ON THE MATERIALS OF THE VLADIMIR, NIZHNY NOVGOROD AND TULA PROVINCES)

The article examines the procedure for the formation of city dumas in the towns of Nizhny Novgorod, Vladimir and Tula governorates in the 1870–1880s on the basis of archival materials. The author studies the electorate, their distribution by categories in accordance with the Municipal statutes of 1870, as well as the estate composition of councilors in city dumas. As a result of the reform of 1870, not all urban residents received the right to vote. The property qualification gave the opportunity to participate in the elections only to the most affluent part of the population. Distribution of voters into three categories, depending on the amount of taxes paid, was one of the characteristic features and one of the main problems of the electoral system that operated in towns of the second half of the 19th century. In practice, as a result of restrictions established by the law, a significant part of urban residents were deprived of the right to vote. As follows from the collected archival data, the persons who voted in the first and second categories showed the greatest activity as voters. At this, the turnout among the electors in the third category was extremely low. The central government, determining the procedure for the formation of self-governance bodies, was interested in ensuring a privileged position of the noble estate. Nevertheless, the analysis of city dumas composition based on the materials of the selected provinces shows that a significant part of councilors was made by representatives of the merchant class and petty bourgeoisie. The appearance of peasant class representatives in the city dumas is noteworthy. Thus, despite equality of estates in the municipal self-governance bodies created as a result of the reform of 1870, not all urban residents could vote. But even those who were granted the right to vote often did not use it. As a rule, the least activity was characteristic for the third category voters, which included the less affluent segments of the urban population and who did not see the point in participating in public life. Among the more affluent citizens who voted in the first and second categories, electoral activity was quite high. Merchants and rich representatives of the petty-bourgeoisie estate showed the greatest interest in the sphere of self-governance.

DUALISMO ECONOMICO E MOBILITÀ SOCIALE IN ITALIA. UN CONFRONTO TRA CENTRO-SETTENTRIONALI, MERIDIONALI E IMMIGRATI INTERNI

This paper studies the association between south-to-north internal geographical mobility and social mobility in Italy. Two issued are analysed: the association between migration and social mobility pathways, comparing the movers with the stayers, i.e. those who did not experienced any episode of geographical mobility; b) whether the effect of south-to-north mobility changes according to gender and education. Analyses are based on the Longitudinal Survey on Italian Households (ILHS) and use Mobility tables and Linear Regression Panel Models with random effects. Results shown that the social mobility of internal migrants are characterized by three main pathways: a) to the urban working class, which concerned the southerners originally from the lower classes, especially the children of peasants and laborers; b) to the white collars, which instead mainly concerned the bourgeois and the white-collar middle class; c) mixed pathways, which involved people from the petty bourgeoisie and the urban working class. Results also shown a gender divide, where a positive effect of geographical mobility is found for men and a negative one for women. Finally, the negative effect among women is confirmed only when they are lower educated.

Advertising in pervasive computing age: Understanding the lifestyles of the new middle class in emerging markets

Computing and Artificial Intelligent technology has changed the ecosystem of advertising industry and social economy. Observations on social changes can help enterprises and advertisers better adapting to this pervasive computing age. This study aims to examine the lifestyles of the new urban middle class in emerging market and their attitudes towards advertising. We carried out an investigation in four Tier-1 cities in China and identified six comprehensive lifestyle factors: trendy and success-driven, “Western is best,” petty bourgeoisie lifestyle, money conscious, lifestyle of health and sustainability, and pragmatic struggling lifestyle; and further segmented new urban middle-class consumers into four groups: experiencers, strivers, trendy achievers, and pragmatists. The attitudes of four lifestyle segments towards advertising have been examined. The study provides precise user portraits of the growing middle-class consumers and intra-class differences in the emerging market.

Apolonia Gojawiczyńska a Bielsk Podlaski

The researcher analyses the work of Apolonia (called: Pola) Gojawiczyńska (1896–1963), a writer, independence activist, one of the most popular Polish artists of the interwar period. Her works contain psychological and socio-moral themes related to the advance of the proletarian and petty bourgeoisie community of Warsaw and Upper Silesia. The article focuses on the period when the writer lived in Bielsk Podlaski.

Spaltung und Radikalisierung. Deutschliberale und Deutschnationale 1850–1918

Division and Radicalisation. German Liberals and German Nationals 1850–1918. The developments in the 19th century laid the foundation for the spectrum of political parties that have determined the political landscape of Austria to the present day. Initially, German nationalism was shaped by a “liberal-thinking upper bourgeoisie”, but when the German National bloc broke up in the 1880s, an “aristocratically thinking petty bourgeoisie” took the lead. The political biography of Georg von Schönerer (1842–1921) reflects this development. From the remains of the German liberal ideology arose not only social democracy and Christian socialism but a German national “right wing”, economically liberal and state-supporting, and a “left wing”, ethnic, racist and anti-Semitic. These wings overlapped in many ways and their proponents often changed positions. Ultimately, Austrian German nationalist parties laid the ideological foundation upon which in the 20th century National Socialism built its ideology.

Die (Ohn-)Macht der "Mitte". Zur gesellschaftlichen Position bürgerlicher Schichten in Kleinstädten

The Powerful/Powerless Middle Class. The Social Standing of the Middle Class in Towns. This chapter focuses on the consequences of social, economic and political change affecting the life circumstances of the Lower Austrian middle classes during the 19th century. Connecting to the well-established research field of the bourgeois history of Lower Austria and the Habsburg Monarchy, the article takes up the New Political Sciences’ approach of focusing on the political impact of ideas to analyse the function and the consequences of the popular concept of the “middle class”. The economic consequences of liberalism and industrialisation on middle-class livelihoods are also discussed on the basis of rich statistical material. While producing opportunities and wealth for those eager to be educated and making their way in the industrial sector, modern times threatened the social and economic status of the traditionalist petty bourgeoisie. The idea of the “middle class” provided those confused by social and economic change with interpretations and strategies with which to articulate concepts of an ideal society and influence the distribution of resources accordingly.

“Not unto us, not unto us, but unto thy name”: the response of district merchants to raising people’s militia in 1806–1807 and 1812–1814 (by the example of St. Petersburg province)

The paper examines practices of collecting donations by district towns merchants for the 1806–1807 “zemskoe voisko” (militia) and the People’s militia of 1812. Up to this day the researchers highlight merchants’ role for the organization of militias less than that of the nobility. That said only total amounts of merchants’ donations in 1812 are now available, while raising money for the first militia remains a virtually unexplored field. The paper deals with specific practices and traditions within communities that determined the collection of money and material donations. Given study fills the gap in our understanding of the role of Russian citizenry in creating militias. The author addresses three district towns of the St. Petersburg`s province with different economic background: Novaya Ladoga, Gdov, and Sofia (Tsarskoe Selo). All merchant communities adhered to same principles at the very stage of raising funds for the first militia. They formed a community donation, for which participation was mandatory. The amount of the community donation was most usually set by the town elite. The donation was split equally to be raised from each male soul. But in all communities’ urban elite families contributed additionally, with money or material donations, and their share was significant. Seeing that the total amount of donations in 1807 frequently equalled that of 1812, and sometimes was even more, the role of the first militia for the Russian society deserves reassessment. 1807–1812 saw merchants position worsened due to the increase of taxes. The town elite suffered significantly, which caused problems when collecting donations in 1812: a study of lifepaths of merchants elite families shows that many important donators had to register to “meshchane” (petty bourgeoisie).

The natives of Smolensk province – first-year students of Moscow university of 1917

In 1917 Smolensk province stood on the second place by the quantity of sophomores of the Moscow university next to Vladimir province (139 and 158 students correspondingly). 7 districts out from 11 were represented. Mainly graduators of gymnasia and the Seminary entered the university. For the first time 8 girls became students. Principally the social structure of students included petty bourgeoisie, clergy and peasantry. Most part of students entered physics and mathematics department, much smaller part entered medical department and ones of law and of linguistics and history.

The political economy of Biafra separatism and post-war Igbo nationalism in Nigeria

The past two decades that coincide with the return of civil rule in most African countries have witnessed the reinforcement of ethnic nationalism and separatist agitations. While scholarly attention has focused on ethnicity to explain the revival of ethnic nationalism, how ethnic and class discourses conflate in the pursuit of ethnic nationalism remains understudied. Using a qualitative-dominant approach, this article interrogates how the Igbo petty bourgeoisie use ethnicity to mask the underlying differences in their material conditions in relation to the alienated masses. It also examines how these differences shape post-war Igbo nationalism. In the main, this article argues that the intersection of ethnic and class discourses is underpinned by unequal distribution of rights and powers accruing from productive resources. This unequal distribution of rights and powers results in differential material well-being and gives rise to conflicts between the dominant and subordinate classes. This explains the divergent approaches of the different factions of Igbo petty bourgeoisie to Igbo nationalism in Nigeria. The article concludes that understanding the political economy of the intersection of ethnic and class discourses is relevant for resolving the nationality question and the Biafra secessionist agitations in Nigeria and others across Africa.

Suara-Suara Islam dalam Surat Kabar dan Majalah Terbitan Awal Abad 20 di Minangkabau

Abstrak Tulisan ini menjelaskan tentang perkembangan pers di Sumatera seperti Palembang, Medan, Sibolga, Padang, dan Kota Raja di Aceh pada paruh kedua abad ke-19. Namun demikian, tulisan ini fokus pada daerah Padang yang menjadi pusat perniagaan yang dikelola oleh orang Eropa (terutama Belanda) dan Tionghoa. Selanjutnya, pada awal abad ke-20, para pengusaha pribumi mulai terlibat dalam bidang percetakan dan penerbitan, seperti surat kabar Alam Minangkerbau (1904), Perserikatan Orang Alam Minangkerbau (OAM) tahun 1911 milik orang pribumi asal Minangkabau. Mulai saat itu usaha di bidang percetakan dan penerbitan semakin berkembang di Sumatra. Usaha ini pun hingga memunculkan berbagai karakter dan kepentingan masyarakat pribumi terutama tentang suara-suara kelompok atau organisasi yang memperjuangkan nasib masyarakat miskin, tertindas, maupun yang kurang mendapatkan pengajaran. Sampai menjelang pertengahan abad ke-20 suara-suara masyarakat semakin tumbuh dan direpresentasikan melalui berbagai media cetak. Banyak yang mengusung tentang pentingnya pendidikan baik umum maupun agama di samping tentang periklanan dari perusahaan-perusahaan perkebunan. Maka dari perkembangan pers inilah tidak sedikit yang mengawali suara nasionalisme bangsa dari berbagai wilayah di Indonesia termasuk dari Sumatera. ---Abstract This article explains about the development of press in Sumatera, such as Palembang, Medan, Sibloga, Padang, and Kota Raja in Aceh in the second half of 19th Century. However, it focuses on Padang as the center of commerce run by European (especially Dutch), and Chinese. In addition, in the beginning of 20th Century, the indigenous petty bourgeoisie involved in printing and publishing sector, such as Alam Minangkerbau newspaper (1904), Perserikatan Orang Alam Minangkerbau (OAM) in 1911 owned by the local people from Minangkabau. Since then, printing and publishing business had been growing in Sumatera. The business brought various characteristics and also local people interests, especially the voices of groups or organization that fought for the poor, the oppressed people, and the ones who were lack of education access. Until the mid of 20th century, the voices of the people was growing and represented through variety of printed media. Many of them carried on the importance of education, both general and religious education, as well as advertising and plantation companies. This development of press brought the voice of nationalism from various region, including Sumatra.