Human Capital, Marital and Birth Timing, and the Postnatal Labor Force Participation of Married Women

1989 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 359-382 ◽  
Author(s):  
THEODORE GREENSTEIN

Using materials from the National Longitudinal Surveys of Labor Market Experience of Young Women, this article analyzes postnatal labor force participation data for married husband-present women over a 15-year period in order to study factors associated with the length of time out of the labor force following the first birth. Survival analyses and proportional hazards models indicate that human capital variables (education, prebirth work experience, and income) and marital and birth-timing variables (age at first marriage and age at first birth) have significant estimated effects on the rate and timing of reentry into the paid labor force.

2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 144
Author(s):  
Santi Wulan Purnami ◽  
Fitria Nur Aida ◽  
Sutikno Sutikno ◽  
Diyah Herowati ◽  
Achmad Sjafii ◽  
...  

The age of a woman when giving birth to her first child needs to be a concern because it is related to the safety of the mother and baby. A woman being too young or too old increases the risk of death for both the mother and baby. Every woman giving birth for the first time is likely to experience psychological disorders such as anxiety and excessive fear during labor, and even postpartum depression. Given the importance and possible extent of the consequences of women giving birth for the first time, this study intended to assess the factors that influence the age at first birth, especially amongst women of childbearing age in East Java. These factors include the age at first marriage, education, and region. The method used was the extended Cox regression model. The analysis shows that the age at first marriage and education are factors that significantly influence the age at first birth. The more mature the age at first marriage, the more mature the age at first birth. Likewise, the higher the educational status, the higher the potential for giving birth to a first child over the age of 23, especially amongst women who graduated high school and university.


2009 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 146-177 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raquel Fernández ◽  
Alessandra Fogli

We study culture by examining the work and fertility behavior of second-generation American women. Culture is proxied with past female labor force participation and total fertility rates from the woman's country of ancestry. The values of these variables capture not only economic and institutional conditions but also the country's preferences and beliefs regarding women's roles. Since the women live in the United States, only the belief and preference components are potentially relevant. We show that the cultural proxies have positive significant explanatory power even after controlling for education and spousal characteristics, and we demonstrate that the results are unlikely to be explained by unobserved human capital. JEL: J13, J16, J22, J24, Z13


2005 ◽  
Vol 26 (2_suppl1) ◽  
pp. S55-S67 ◽  
Author(s):  
Agnes R. Quisumbing ◽  
Jere R. Behrman ◽  
John A. Maluccio ◽  
Alexis Murphy ◽  
Kathryn M. Yount

This article examines marriage patterns among individuals who participated as children in a nutrition supplementation trial in Guatemala and were followed up in 2002–04, at ages 25–42 years. Of all 1,062 known and alive couples, 735, or 69%, responded fully to the marriage assets questionnaire. Focus of the analysis is on the birth cohorts born prior to 1974, a total of 1,058 intervention participants, among whom four-fifths of men (82%) and of women (78%) were married at the time of the 2002–04 survey. Basic patterns are examined in current marital status, age at first marriage and related milestones, human capital assets brought to marriage (e.g., schooling attainment, cognitive ability, literacy, and pre-marital work experience), and physical assets and savings accounts brought to marriage. Measures of husbands' human capital at marriage are positively correlated with wives' human capital, but are consistently higher. Husbands also bring substantially more physical and financial assets than wives. A number of interesting patterns emerge, including (1) changes in the composition of assets that women bring to marriage from physical to human assets, (2) declining gaps in age and premarital work experience between husbands and wives, and (3) increasing gaps in schooling attainment and cognitive ability between husbands and wives. Given conflicting directions of change in spousal gaps in human, physical and financial assets, their net effect on changes over time in the bargaining power of husbands and wives is uncertain and deserves further investigation.


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