What’s in a name? ‘Refugees’, ‘migrants’ and the politics of labelling

Race & Class ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 60 (2) ◽  
pp. 40-62 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tazreena Sajjad

Through a critical examination of European immigration policy and using the case of Afghan asylum seekers in the European continent, this article argues that the politics of labelling and the criminalisation and securitisation of migration undermine the protection framework for the globally displaced. However, the issue goes deeper than state politicking to circumvent responsibilities under international law. The construction of migrants as victims at best, and as cultural and security threats at worst, particularly in the case of Muslim refugees, not only assists in their dehumanisation, it also legitimises actions taken against them through the perpetuation of a particular discourse on the European Self and the non-European Other. At one level, such a dynamic underscores the long-standing struggle of Europe to articulate its identity within the economic, demographic and cultural anxieties produced by the dynamics of globalisation. At another, these existing constructions, which hierarchise ‘worthiness’, are limited in their reflection of the complex realities that force people to seek refuge. Simultaneously, the labels, and the discourse of which they are part, make it possible for Europe to deny asylum claims and expedite deportations while being globally accepted as a human rights champion. This process also makes it possible for Europe to categorise turbulent contexts such as Afghanistan as a ‘safe country’, even at a time when the global refugee protection regime demands creative expansion. Ultimately, the politics of European migration policy illustrates the evolution of European Orientalist discourse – utilised in the past to legitimise colonisation and domination, now used to legitimise incarceration and deportation.

2014 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 125-136 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roland Verwiebe ◽  
Laura Wiesböck ◽  
Roland Teitzer

This article deals mainly with new forms of Intra-European migration, processes of integration and inequality, and the dynamics of emerging transnational labour markets in Europe. We discuss these issues against the background of fundamental changes which have been taking place on the European continent over the past two decades. Drawing on available comparative European data, we examine, in a first step, whether the changes in intra-European migration patterns have been accompanied by a differentiation of the causes of migration. In a second step, we discuss the extent to which new forms of transnational labour markets have been emerging within Europe and their effects on systems of social stratification.


2016 ◽  
Vol 17 (6) ◽  
pp. 923-948 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anuscheh Farahat ◽  
Nora Markard

The European Union (EU) Member States have experienced the recent refugee protection crisis in the EU as a de-facto loss of control over their borders. They find themselves unable to subject entry into their territory to a sovereign decision. In response, the Member States have sought to regain full sovereignty over matters of forced migration, both unilaterally and cooperatively, seeking to govern a phenomenon—forced migration—that by definition defies governance. Unilateral measures include forced migration caps and a search for ways to circumvent responsibility under the Dublin system. Cooperative efforts by EU Member States include the search for ways to more effectively govern forced migration at the EU level and beyond. Supranational EU efforts include the introduction of an internal relocation scheme and support for Italy and Greece in processing asylum claims in so-called “hotspots.” Beyond the EU, Member States are seeking to externalize protection responsibility to third world countries under international agreements, in particular, by returning asylum seekers to Turkey. This Article outlines the unilateral and cooperative governance efforts undertaken and shows that states' sovereign decisions over migration are significantly limited in the case of forced migrants, both by EU law and by international law.


2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 303-332
Author(s):  
Salvatore Fabio Nicolosi

Over the past few years the issue of asylum has progressively become interrelated with human rights. Asylum-related stresses, including refugee flows and mass displacements, have mitigated the traditional idea of asylum as an absolute state right, in so far as international human rights standards of protection require that states may have the responsibility to provide asylum seekers with protection. Following this premise, the article argues that the triggering factor of such overturning is significantly represented by the judicial approach to the institution of asylum by regional human rights courts. After setting the background on the interrelation of asylum with human rights, this article conceptualises the right to asylum as derived from the principle of non-refoulement and to this extent it delves into the role of the two regional human rights courts, notably the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) and the Inter-American Court of Human Rights (IACtHR), in order to explore whether an emerging judicial cross-fertilisation may contribute to re-conceptualisation of the right to asylum from a human rights perspective.


2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 614-644 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Kanstroom

This article considers the relationship between two human rights discourses (and two specific legal regimes): refugee and asylum protection and the evolving body of international law that regulates expulsions and deportations. Legal protections for refugees and asylum seekers are, of course, venerable, well-known, and in many respects still cherished, if challenged and perhaps a bit frail. Anti-deportation discourse is much newer, multifaceted, and evolving. It is in many respects a young work in progress. It has arisen in response to a rising tide of deportations, and the worrisome development of massive, harsh deportation machinery in the United States, Germany, the United Kingdom, France, Mexico, Australia, and South Africa, among others. This article's main goal is to consider how these two discourses do and might relate to each other. More specifically, it suggests that the development of procedural and substantive rights against removal — as well as rights during and after removal — aids our understanding of the current state and possible future of the refugee protection regime. The article's basic thesis is this: The global refugee regime, though challenged both theoretically and in practice, must be maintained and strengthened. Its historical focus on developing criteria for admission into safe states, on protections against expulsion (i.e., non-refoulement), and on regimes of temporary protection all remain critically important. However, a focus on other protections for all noncitizens facing deportation is equally important. Deportation has become a major international system that transcends the power of any single nation-state. Its methods have migrated from one regime to another; its size and scope are substantial and expanding; its costs are enormous; and its effects frequently constitute major human rights violations against millions who do not qualify as refugees. In recent years there has been increasing reliance by states on generally applicable deportation systems, led in large measure by the United States' radical 25 year-plus experiment with large-scale deportation. Europe has also witnessed a rising tide of deportation, some of which has developed in reaction to European asylum practices. Deportation has been facilitated globally (e.g., in Australia) by well-funded, efficient (but relatively little known) intergovernmental idea sharing, training, and cooperation. This global expansion, standardization, and increasing intergovernmental cooperation on deportation has been met by powerful — if in some respects still nascent — human rights responses by activists, courts, some political actors, and scholars. It might seem counterintuitive to think that emerging ideas about deportation protections could help refugees and asylum seekers, as those people by definition often have greater rights protections both in admission and expulsion. However, the emerging anti-deportation discourses should be systematically studied by those interested in the global refugee regime for three basic reasons. First, what Matthew Gibney has described as “the deportation turn” has historically been deeply connected to anxiety about asylum seekers. Although we lack exact figures of the number of asylum seekers who have been subsequently expelled worldwide, there seems little doubt that it has been a significant phenomenon and will be an increasingly important challenge in the future. The two phenomena of refugee/asylum protections and deportation, in short, are now and have long been linked. What has sometimes been gained through the front door, so to speak, may be lost through the back door. Second, current deportation human rights discourses embody creative framing models that might aid constructive critique and reform of the existing refugee protection regime. They tend to be more functionally oriented, less definitional in terms of who warrants protection, and more fluid and transnational. Third, these discourses offer important specific rights protections that could strengthen the refugee and asylum regime, even as we continue to see weakening state support for the basic 1951/1967 protection regime. This is especially true in regard to the extraterritorial scope of the (deporting) state's obligations post-deportation. This article particularly examines two initiatives in this emerging field: The International Law Commission's Draft Articles on the Expulsion of Aliens and the draft Declaration on the Rights of Expelled and Deported Persons developed through the Boston College Post-Deportation Human Rights Project (of which the author is a co-director). It compares their provisions to the existing corpus of substantive and procedural protections for refugees relating to expulsion and removal. It concludes with consideration of how these discourses may strengthen protections for refugees while also helping to develop more capacious and protective systems in the future. “Those guarantees of liberty and livelihood are the essence of the freedom which this country from the beginning has offered the people of all lands. If those rights, great as they are, have constitutional protection, I think the more important one — the right to remain here — has a like dignity.” Supreme Court Justice William O. Douglas, 19522 “We need a national effort to return those who have been rejected … and we are working on that at the moment with great vigor.” Angela Merkel, October 15, 20163


Laws ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 30
Author(s):  
Didier Bigo ◽  
Elspeth Guild

This article examines how international law in form of treaties deals with the intersection of the three concepts. Our hypothesis is that international law, in the form of treaties, has been reluctant to engage with national security when dealing with migration, leaving this to national law. Instead, the intersection of national security—most commonly in the form of concerns about terrorism and migration—takes place in political discourse, which acts as a passerelle for various types of state violence against people classified or suspected of being migrants. We examine this mechanism that we call an insecurity continuum driven by the politics of fear in a European context. This is a politics that takes place outside of international law but has the effect of limiting access by individuals to international law protections, particularly in the case of people who claim international protection against persecution or torture.


2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 145
Author(s):  
Dimas Fauzi ◽  
Yusnia Kurniasih

In recent years, Australia has created some regional refugee arrangements with their neighbouring countries. Under the agreements with countries such as Nauru, Papua New Guinea, Malaysia and the most recent, Cambodia, Australia is committed to providing financial aid to run the supporting facilities and protect the asylum seekers who are relocated from their territory. These agreements then become questionable as the partner countries are developing countries which are relatively unstable in domestic politics and are not prosperous enough to bear the non-financial costs of refugee protection, such as integration and accountability issues. In this case, relations between Australia and their partner countries could be considered as an example of relations between the developed (north) and the developing countries (south). Thus, a question appears to be prominent: what do Australia refugee settlement agreements tell us about the relations between the (developed) north and the (developing) south? By employing structuralism model in international politics, we propose an argument that Australia’s refugee resettlement agreement can be understood as a form of responsibility sharing on refugee issue between the concerning countries in the region. The arrangements have not only produced positive results but also negative ones, such as conflicts. Additionally, this research will also take into account the existence of international law(s) governing refugee issues as the basis to analyse the refugee protection, mainly in Australia’s resettlement partner countries.


Refuge ◽  
2001 ◽  
pp. 25-35 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nahla Valji

The refugee regime, built on the 1951 Convention relating to the Status of Refugees, has long excluded women from the international right to protection from persecution. The gender-blind parameters of the Convention have been exacerbated by the same qualities in the international legal system of which it is a part; state practices toward asylum-seekers; and the dichotomous construction of the refugee regime as a whole, which has produced and reproduced victimizing identities of refugee women. Advances today, such as the adoption of gender guidelines in a number of states, have been more symbolic in effect than transforming. New policy paths need to be evaluated to ensure that the next half-century of refugee protection does not duplicate the inequalities of the past.


2013 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 86-102 ◽  
Author(s):  
Georg Menz

European immigration policy making has often been characterized either as a largely spill-over driven process or as “venue shopping,” a way to escape from the confines of national capitals. This article suggests that success in policy creation hinges crucially on the presence of a policy entrepreneur; while the European Commission faced propitious conditions for acting in this fashion, it did not always manage to do so. Drawing on the creation of key directives on asylum and labor migration as empirical case studies, the argument is developed that only when the European Commission exhibits the core characteristics of successful policy entrepreneurs does it succeed in shaping migration directives. Spanish La formulación de la política migratoria europea a menudo se ha caracterizado ya sea como un gran proceso conducido por el desborde (“spillover”), o como un lugar de escape (“venue shopping”) de los confines de capitales nacionales. Este artículo sugiere que el éxito en la creación de políticas se basa esencialmente en la presencia de un emprendedor político, y mientras que la Comisión Europea enfrenta condiciones propicias para actuar de esa manera, no siempre logra hacerlo. Sobre la base de la creación de directivas centrales sobre asilo y migración laboral como casos empíricos de estudio, el argumento se desarrolla cuando la Comisión Europea presenta las características esenciales de un emprendedor político y logra éxitos en la conformación de las directivas de migración. French L'élaboration de la politique migratoire européenne a souvent été caractérisée comme un processus piloté par spillover ou encore comme « venue shopping » d'évasion aux confins des capitales nationales. Cet article suggère que le succès de l'élaboration d'une politique dépend crucialement de la présence d'un entrepreneur politique ; et que, bien que la Commission européenne ait eu des conditions favorables pour agir dans ce sens, elle ne l'a pas toujours fait. S'appuyant sur la création des directives clés en matière d'asile et de la circulation de la main-d'œuvre comme sur des études de cas empiriques, l'argument ici développé montre que ce n'est que lorsque la Commission européenne aura réuni avec succès les qualités de base relatives à l'entrepreneuriat politique qu'elle parviendra à modeler les directives européennes sur la migration


2020 ◽  

refugee law that took place in Barcelona. In the spirit of intergenerational academic exchange, students, young researchers, and established experts engage in interdisciplinary discussions on fundamental questions of migration law and migration policy, which have become more virulent than ever since the refugee protection crisis of 2015. European, human rights and international law aspects are supplemented by national perspectives from Belgium, Bulgaria, the Federal Republic of Germany, Italy, Spain, Turkey and the United Kingdom. The entire project sees itself as a laboratory for the exchange of ideas on how modern migration societies can orient themselves towards a sustainable future. With contributions by Claudia Candelmo, Carmine Conte, Francisco Javier Donaire Villa, Arolda Elbasani, Leonard Amaru Feil, Francesco Luigi Gatta, Chad Heimrich, Markus Kotzur, Annalisa Morticelli, David Moya, Claudia Pretto, Andrea Romano, David Fernandez Rojo, Senada Šelo Šabić, Valentina Savazzi, Ülkü Sezgi Sözen and Catharina Ziebritzki.


2019 ◽  
Vol 31 (4) ◽  
pp. 415-463 ◽  
Author(s):  
Madeline Gleeson

Abstract In 2012, Australia reintroduced arrangements for ‘offshore processing’ in the Pacific, which forcibly transferred asylum seekers arriving by boat to the Republic of Nauru and Papua New Guinea (PNG), purportedly for refugee status determination (RSD). Previous studies have focused on the detention of asylum seekers transferred to these States in ‘regional processing centres’ (RPCs). This article instead provides a factual foundation for more current inquiries into the content and scope of each State’s protection obligations under international law, which have increased in importance since the end of closed detention in the RPCs in 2015 and 2017. The formal legal and diplomatic arrangements established in and between the three States for the transfer of asylum seekers; processing of their claims; and provision of durable solutions will be examined, with reference to the minimum standards required. The article identifies a protection deficit in the legal architecture and bilateral arrangements underpinning offshore processing. Since their inception, the arrangements have lacked clarity regarding the respective obligations of the three States; involved transfers even in the absence of fair and efficient procedures for RSD in Nauru and PNG; and failed to ensure timely access to appropriate outcomes for all transferees (whether determined to be in need of international protection or not). The article therefore concludes that Australia should facilitate readmission to its territory for all people in Nauru and PNG who do not have access to an appropriate alternative outcome. It also suggests that any future attempts to establish third country transfer procedures will require radically different legal and diplomatic arrangements to enhance responsibility sharing and cooperation on refugee protection, and to comply with international law.


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