The British Nationality Act of 1948: A brief study in the political mythology of race relations

Race ◽  
1969 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-83 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicholas Deakin
Sociology ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 003803852098579
Author(s):  
Clive James Nwonka

The racial unrests permeating across Britain in the late 1970s resulted in a set of political agendas responding to racism to be brought into being though legislation, culminating in the passing of the 1976 Race Relations Act. Crucial to such agendas were strategies for the prevention of black urban uprisings against state authority and the politicisation of black youths against racism. The emergence of politicised black British film during the late 1970s offered a crucial counter-hegemonic exploration and re-enactment of an extra-filmic reality of police violence and popular racism within the British body social. However, these texts were subjected to forms of political censorship through a number of state organisations who identified radical black cinema as a political threat with the potential to incite violent responses from black youths. This article will offer a detailed analysis of Babylon (1980) and seeks to investigate the ideological processes leading to its X certification and the moral panic located in its representations of black youths within the crisis of race vis-a-vis the political, social and cultural authority of race relations, situating Babylon’s controversial X certification as an exemplar of the ‘applicational dexterity’ of the race relations discipline.


2017 ◽  
Vol 18 (35) ◽  
pp. 246-273
Author(s):  
Victor de Oliveira Pinto Coelho

ABSTRACT The theme of this article is Ernst Jünger’s work in the interwar period, especially the essay The Worker (1932). Our focus is to point out, in the Jüngerian appropriation of technique, its character of anti-liberal political mythology. We dialogue with the political and intellectual horizon of the time (including authors such as Simmel, Kracauer and Benjamin), seeking to establish a problematization framework about the technique in Germany, where also emerges the so-called “Conservative Revolutionary Movement.” We point out in Jünger’s work the relationship between the “type” or “figure of the worker” and the notion of the sacrifice of individuality in favor of the total mobilization of technique, in the terms of reactionary modernism. Finally, as there are no references to authors and works in The Worker, we raise the hypothesis of an underlying dialogue with the intellectual tradition of Romanticism by confronting Jünger’s work with the theme of “asymptotic completion” (Lacoue-Labarthe) -the impossibility, in modern times, of sustaining a pre-established harmony.


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (5) ◽  
pp. 83
Author(s):  
Evgueny Alexandrovich Chiglintsev ◽  
Natalya Yurievna Bikeyeva ◽  
Maxim Vadimovich Griger ◽  
Igor Vladimirovich Vostrikov ◽  
Farit Nafisovich Ahmadiev ◽  
...  

This collective article is dedicated to the images of power in the ancient and medieval societies, their forming, functions and the ways of representation. Authors found the universal components of the images of power in the different pre-industrial societies of the East and Vest, such as procedures of obtaining power, coronation and anointment, ruler’s regalia and the forms of organizing space of power. The authors investigate the relationship between the secular and the sacred elements in the political mythology of power. This paper deals with the evolution of images of power, rituals and symbols of authority from Ancient Eastern to Medieval societies. The purpose of the article is to present the universal components of the images of power in Ancient and Medieval times. The identification of common and specific features in the representation of power and ritual practices will allow us to see the evolution of ideas about power in pre-industrial societies.


1986 ◽  
Vol 85 (340) ◽  
pp. 474-475
Author(s):  
PAUL B RICH

2018 ◽  
Vol 62 (1) ◽  
pp. 269-283
Author(s):  
Jorge Varela ◽  

This article approaches the political mythology of authority through an interpretation of Kojève’s reading of authority. The deployment of discourses directed at the creation of common meanings arises as the central vector of authority, shared temporalities being the foremost among them. At a time of the presence of authority´s absence the master narratives that aim at bringing together that which remains apart cannot be recognized as unified. What remains as the realm of commonality is the very absence of authority.


1980 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 589-615 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Turner

In 1915 and again in 1917 the British government almost decided to buy out the whole of the licensed liquor trade in the United Kingdom. An examination of the circumstances in which this ambitious proposal was contemplated poses serious questions of interpretation for the historian of the first World War. The episode figures in the historiography of temperance as a missed opportunity to use the power of government to solve a longstanding social problem; this, however, was a minor part of the story. In 1915 state purchase was to have helped to reduce industrial absenteeism, and thus to increase munitions production. In 1917 it was to have conserved foodstuffs and saved shipping during the submarine crisis. It can thus be seen as yet another manifestation of ‘war socialism’: but it has two distinctive characteristics. First, the government had little understanding of the economic and social phenomena which it sought to control by assuming ownership of the liquor trade, though much political effort was put into the manoeuvre. Second, the private interests concerned were quite eager, partly because of pre-war conditions, to be expropriated for their own good as much as for the nation's benefit. It is an unexceptionable part of conventional wisdom that the first World War, like the second, was a major catalyst of change, and especially of state intervention in society. The history of state purchase shows how tenuous and haphazard the causal connexion between war and social change could be. The demands of war were (almost) translated into major state intervention, but the process was mediated by the political mythology of drink, by the operation in the political system of a powerful business pressure group, and by the shifting priorities of governments which subordinated all policy to the need to guide a war economy to victory.


Author(s):  
Serhat Karakayalı

The article discusses the recent adoption of „Whiteness Studies" in the German context. Renamed as „Critical Whiteness", the concept has gained popularity particularly in the political field (and partly in academia), where it soon led to vibrant controversies. The paper takes these debates as a starting point to argue that the moralization of politics in relation to the use of this concept in the German context is partly a result of the concept itself, which is caught between a race relations approach and a constructivist one. This becomes particularly apparent when it tries to explain post-racism with arguments from symbolic interactionism. To frame racism in terms of „white supremacy“ is particularly problematic in a context, in which racism has since WW2 been articulated and organized around immigration, concerning people, who, with the current US terminology would be labelled as „white“. Furthermore, the paper engages critically with different elements and concepts employed by the approach, such as „awareness“, „privileges“and „standpoint theory“. It concludes with a discussion of the political subjectivation inherent in the concept in terms of the affective relations it seems to presuppose.


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