Diversifying the Deliberative Turn: Toward an Agonistic RRI

In its “deliberative turn,” the field of science and technology studies (STS) has strongly advocated opening up decision-making processes around science and technology to more perspectives and knowledges. While the theory of democracy underpinning this is rarely explicitly addressed, the language and ideas used are often drawn from deliberative democracy. Using the case of synthetic biology and Responsible Research and Innovation (RRI), this paper looks at challenges of public engagement and finds parallels in long-standing critiques of deliberative democracy. The paper suggests that STS scholars explore other theories of decision-making and explores what an RRI grounded in agonistic pluralism might entail. An agonistic RRI could develop empirical research around questions of power relations in contemporary science and technology, seek to facilitate the formation of political publics around relevant issues, and frame different actors’ stances as adversarial positions on a political field rather than “equally valid” perspectives.

Eksistensi Partai Politik Lokal di Provinsi Papua Pasca Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Nomor 41/PUU-XVII/2019

The existence of local political parties in Indonesia is a tangible form of the existence of special autonomy in a certain area. The specificity of a certain area is regulated in the 1945 Constitution Article 18B paragraph (1). In addition, the formation of local political parties is one of the human rights in the political field, as stated in Article 28E paragraph (3) of the 1945 Constitution. The research method uses a normative juridical approach with secondary data and analyzed descriptively qualitatively. Based on research, Papua Province has the right to form political parties (see Article 28 paragraph (1) of the Papua Province Special Autonomy Law). However, the phrase "political party" is considered to have multiple interpretations, thus creating legal uncertainty. Through the decision of the Constitutional Court Number 41/PUU-XVII/2019, the legal uncertainty can be guaranteed by the Constitutional Court Decision. In the future, by looking at the background and real needs of the Papua Province, it is possible to form a Local Political Party in the Papua Province, considering the condition of the Papua Province as a special autonomous region.Partai politik lokal di Indonesia merupakan wujud nyata adanya otonomi khusus di suatu daerah. Kekhususan suatu daerah diatur dalam UUD 1945 Pasal 18B ayat (1). Selain itu, pembentukan partai politik lokal merupakan salah satu hak asasi manusia di bidang politik, sebagaimana tercantum dalam Pasal 28E ayat (3) UUD 1945. Metode penelitian menggunakan pendekatan yuridis normatif dengan data sekunder dan dianalisis secara deskriptif kualitatif. Berdasarkan penelitian, Provinsi Papua berhak membentuk partai politik (lihat Pasal 28 ayat (1) UU Otsus Provinsi Papua). Namun, ungkapan “partai politik” dianggap memiliki multitafsir sehingga menimbulkan ketidakpastian hukum. Melalui putusan MK Nomor 41/PUU-XVII/2019, ketidakpastian hukum dapat dijamin oleh Putusan MK tersebut. Ke depan, dengan melihat latar belakang dan kebutuhan riil Provinsi Papua, dimung­kinkan dibentuknya Partai Politik Lokal di Provinsi Papua, mengingat kondisi Provinsi Papua sebagai daerah otonomi khusus.

Special Autonomy of Yogyakarta in the Context of Local Autonomy Law

Local government is the authority of the autonomous regions to organize and manage the interests of local people according to their own initiative based on community aspirations in accordance with the laws and regulations. In response to the demands of government reform quite quickly, it has undertaken a sufficiently fundamental breakthrough of the various laws in the political field from the centralist-autoritarian to the autonomous-democratic. After successfully compiling the three laws on the political field that became the basis of the election in 1999 the government immediately followed him with a new law in the field of special politics on power relations between the central and local, namely Law no. 22 of 1999 on Regional Government and Law No. 25 of 1999 on Financial Relations between Central and Regional. The formation of regions is basically intended to improve public services in order to accelerate the realization of community welfare as well as political education at the local level. Considerations and other conditions that enable the area to organize and realize the purpose of the establishment of the region and the granting of regional autonomy. The Government may designate special areas in the autonomous regions to carry out specific government functions that are specific to national and / or national-scale interests "special" for the interests and benefit of Indonesia. One of these special autonomous regions is the Special Region of Yogyakarta that has been recognized special autonomous region in Law No.13 of 2012 on the privilege of Yogyakarta.

Symbolic revolutions. Mobilizing a neglected Bourdieusian concept for historical sociology

The article builds on a recent literature that has sought to underscore the relevance of Bourdieu’s field theory for historical-sociological analysis. It draws attention to symbolic revolutions, a concept that has been given short shrift in this literature and even in Bourdieu’s own expositions of his field-theoretical apparatus. The article argues that symbolic revolutions denote a universal mechanism of field-internal change which extends and complements a conceptual battery of mostly structural universals of fields. In a synoptic reading of Bourdieu’s field-theoretical work, the article fleshes out an ideal type of symbolic revolutions, with special regard to its dialectical features. It adds further analytical purchase to the concept by highlighting continuities and parallels with the work of Thomas Kuhn and Karl Mannheim. Finally, it argues that more recent studies by other authors on transformations in the psychiatric field, the field of social and human sciences, and the political field are in fact discussing instances of symbolic revolutions. It thus shows how the concept can help identify common properties among highly heterogeneous phenomena, opening up new avenues for historical-sociological investigations that can more systematically relate the general and the particular.

Under the Toa tree: The genealogy of the Tongan Chiefs

This paper examines the dualistic foundations of Tongan kingship by way of exploring the historicity of the Tongan polity. While paramounts allegedly descend "from the sky" and the god or gods living there, they are also kinsmen of the villagers living under them and are appraised as such. Whether by way of reproducing or transforming a political field, the mediation of duality requires human work, a practice and performance of kingship. The word genealogy in the title bears the burden of the entire argument. Referring directly to history, it enters into tension with the patrilineal and structural models of the past. The history to which it refers, in turn, is set in motion by the dual foundations of kingship: idioms and ideologies of divinity but existing in tension with the "leveling forces" of contractual modes of legitimation. My aim is to develop a framework adequate to the task of interpreting the revolution of the 19th century, when Tāufa'āhau, a secondary chief, executed sweeping reforms at once chiefly and populist: he suppressed the Tu'i Tonga title of his superior; created a superordinate one, the royal title of the constitutional monarchy he in part designed; and converted to Christianity. The third monarch of the Tupou dynasty Tāufa'āhau founded, Queen Sālote Tupou III, figures prominently in these pages as an ideologue. In her often veiled and diplomatic disparagement of the leaders of the past, Queen Sālote provides a window upon the genealogical politics this paper addresses.

Qualifying Adjectives and Saturation by Ethos

Since the end of the 1990s, research on discursive ethos – the image of the speaker which is projected by his or her utterance – has been very active in discourse analysis. It contributes to a better understanding of how an enunciation can attract the support of addressees. But in general, this research 1) focuses on isolated texts or individual speakers, not on discursive formations, 2) does not take into account the lexicon when it does not have clear ideological content. On the contrary, this article deals with the role played by some French polysemous adjectives (simple, doux, clair) to make the incorporation (Maingueneau 1999) of readers or listeners possible, to make them adhere to the universe of meaning that is proposed to them. This point of view is first illustrated by the study of an advertising text, before being applied to large discursive formations: a religious movement (“devout humanism”) of the first half of the 17th century; and, in the political field, two antagonistic positions in France under the French Third Republic (1870–1940): the handbooks of Republican School and the monarchist movement “l’Action Française”. We are led to conclude that adjectives, by their polysemy, “saturate discourse.” Through ethos, discourse does not only persuade by the ideas it delivers: it also sets the addressee in a speech scene that partakes of the semantic characteristics of the ideological universe that discourse aims to promote.

Mobilization agenda of generations in the mirror of the "IQBuzz" system (experience of analyzing protests in Siberian cities)

The aim of this work is to study changes in the mobilization agenda (printed and audiovisual statements by leaders and participants of political communities aimed at establishing control over significant resources) in the context of generational change. The research design was set by theoretical constructs formulated within the tradition of identifying and describing the dynamics of generations (K. Mannheim, W. Strauss, N. Hove, V. Radaev), a complex of the theory of identity formation through interactive ritual interaction (R. Collins, N. Rozov) and the theory of mobilization by Ch. Tilly. The focus of attention is the hypothesis of V. Radaev about the intergenerational «rift», the absence of common political themes between the representatives of the Soviet and Russian generations. Using the capabilities of cybermetric methods provided by the IQBuzz automated message analysis system, the author identifies message complexes that determine the mobilization agenda in January 2021 in Siberian cities. Comparison of the obtained data with real behavior and comparison of significant publications with each other by methods of similarity and difference allow us to draw a conclusion about the peculiarities of the manifestation of political activity of millennials. The results show that, as such, there is no intergenerational rift, despite all the dissimilarity, the Soviet and Russian generations have a number of common politicized topics (social justice, national identity). The main symbolic conflict takes place between the «power» communities, those who have received certain competitive collective advantages within the framework of the policy declared by the state (political agenda), and those who do not have them («non-systemic opposition»). The line of conflict runs rather between representatives of the same generation, peers, some of whom are included in the official political system and those that act independently in the political field. The results obtained show the prospects of continuing the work and are quite organically combined with the existing theoretical traditions of the study of generations: the classical archetypes of «prophets», «nomads» and «heroes» and Soviet studies of the «sixties» - «seventies».

Oligarchical Populism; The Analysis of President Joko Widodo's Political Communication

There are two perspectives toward the appearance of Joko Widodo (Jokowi) to a national political field. The first impression represents optimism towards political decentralization in Indonesia is by addressing Jokowi as a populist figure who can be a politician from a regional area to a capital city. Then, the second impression represents the oligarchy thesis, which is called the rise of Jokowi to a national political landscape because of oligarchies firmly rooted in Indonesia. This study aims to analyze Jokowi’s political communication through populism and oligarchy framework, and the domination of both. This study uses the transformative critical paradigm with the critical discourse analysis (CDA) Teun. A van Dijk’s model as method. The communication of Jokowi’s politics related to corruption eradication, investment escalation, and freedom of expression are analyzed critically by using that method. The result reveals that Jokowi is under two political concepts which contrast to one another, namely populism and oligarchy. These concepts make Jokowi a weak figure who fights the oligarchy’s will. Consequently, Jokowi is not sincerely fighting the KPK’s weakening strategy, inconsistency in developing investment, and the non-sense statement about freedom of expression. In this case, Jokowi (a populist) is being in the oligarchs’ co-optation or ‘oligarchical populism’.

Quality of Political Participation of Paser District Community in Gender Perspective

An analytical study on the quality of the political participation of the people of Paser Regency seen from the perspective of gender. This paper is to see how the quality of women's group participation in the public sphere in Paser Regency in this case is participation in the political field. The method used in this paper is descriptive with a qualitative approach, namely the data source in the form of interviews or observations in the field. Based on the findings, the decline in the quality of women's political participation in Paser Regency is related to the cultural perspective of the community in seeing the role of women. In addition, there is a tendency in women to show a lack of motivation and competence.