Anti-West frames dominate Afghan war news coverage

2016 ◽  
Vol 37 (4) ◽  
pp. 393-404 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elina Erzikova ◽  
Michel M. Haigh ◽  
Adam Sampiev

A content analysis of war-specific frames used by Soviet mainstream newspapers Izvestia and Komsomolskaya Pravda during the Soviet intervention in Afghanistan revealed that the national political system and foreign policy heavily influenced war reporting in the pre-Gorbachev era. In a censored environment, a highly polarized approach framed the West as the enemy and the USSR as the supporter of the Afghan people.

1977 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 254-268 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph Frankel

Although our theorizing about the making of foreign policy is meant to be of general application, it is based predominantly upon Western, often only United States practices. The purpose of this paper is to look in some depth into a case study of foreign policy-making in Japan in order to ascertain to what extent the analytical categories evolved in the West apply and what peculiarities of the Japanese political system need to be considered. More specifically, I shall test the simple hypothesis that in all ‘democratic’ systems1 the substance of the domestic processes shows great similarities while their forms greatly differ.


Author(s):  
A. Latkov

After the reunification of Germany and the transition of some countries of central and Eastern Europe under the control of the West, radical changes in the European political system have occurred. Germany turned into a powerful state and began to provide the strategy for independent foreign policy, in which the regional policy in the Balkans, Caucasus and Middle East took the significant place. Germany tried to expand its influence to the countries of Balkan Peninsula, in alliance with Austria-Hungary against Russia, as well as in the beginning of 21st century. However, in the end of 20th century, after several failures in the foreign policy, Germany turned to Russia. Despite its expansionist policy, Germany had to coordinate every step with international organizations or even transfer them issues of conflict resolution in the region. Constantly competing with its allies (mainly the U.S. and UK), Germany was trying to build its foreign policy strategy in the way of increasing its influence in the strategically important region.


2015 ◽  
Vol 32 (4) ◽  
pp. 21-46
Author(s):  
Kubilay Arin

When Turkey’s Justice and Development Part (AKP) came to power in 2002, it brought a new strategy to foreign policy. Some scholars ascribed this reorientation to the rise of neo-Ottomanism, others to Islamization, and yet others to a Middle Easternization of foreign policy. All labels have one element in common: They give weight to Islam and Turkey’s imperial past as soft power assetsin the conduct of foreign policy by rejecting secular Kemalism in the country’s diplomacy. The AKP capitalized on Turgut Özal’s neo-Ottomanist foreign policy and Necmettin Erbakan’s multi-dimensional foreign policy by using Turkey’s pivotal geopolitical location to transform it into a global actor. The ongoing Islamic revival has caused the country’s attempted full westernization to slow down. But the West itself is hardly a monolithic bloc, given its own many internal cultural, linguistic,religious, political, and economic differences. I therefore describe Turkey as a “hybrid,” a modern and developing “semi-western” state, and argue that over time it will become ever more “socially conservative.”


Author(s):  
Ron Geaves

This chapter discusses the significance of Abdullah Quilliam by primarily focusing on the writings through which he framed his conversion to Islam and wrote as a lens for Victorian society to revisit Islam. A classification of the types of writing undertaken and their role in the promotion of Islam within Britain and internationally in the late Victorian and Edwardian period is explored. Quilliam wrote extensively on the crisis facing Victorian Christianity and was intensely aware of the burning political issues of his time, especially those concerning British foreign policy. However, above all else, he was a Muslim of conviction, and the leader of British Muslims, and his unique status lies in his promotion of Islam in the West as a religious worldview disconnected from ethnicity or "otherness." This examination of his writings explores his vision of Islam and demonstrates that Quilliam’s concerns in his writings remain the essential themes drawn upon by young contemporary British Muslim activists and converts to the religion.


2015 ◽  
Vol 2 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 55-70
Author(s):  
Sean Foley

For decades, many scholars have contended that Saudi Arabia is a fixed political system, where a conservative monarchy uses advanced technology, oil revenues, and religion to dominate the people. Such a system is often portrayed as inherently unstable, a seemingly never-ending series of collisions between an unchanging traditional political structure seeking to hold on to power at any cost and a dynamic modernity—a view encapsulated in a phrase expressed at virtually every public discussion of the Kingdom in the West: ‘you must admit that Saudi Arabia must change’. Ironically this phrase confirms what this article argues is a secret to the success of Saudi Arabia in the contemporary era: the ability to legitimize transformation without calling it change. No society is static, including Saudi Arabia. Throughout the Kingdom’s history, the defining social institutions have repeatedly utilized Tajdīd (Revival) and Iṣlāḥ (Reform) to respond to new technologies and the changing expectations of a diverse society. While Muslim scholars are most often entrusted to arbitrate this process, ordinary Saudis use this process to guide their actions in the various social spaces they encounter both at home and abroad. Critically, this process reflects the response of King Abdulaziz and the founders of the third Saudi state in the early twentieth century to the factors that had brought down previous Saudi states in the nineteenth century.


1988 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 85-97
Author(s):  
Sarah Russell Hankins

This case study investigates how objective reporting in the 1983 Denver mayoral election may have been influenced by 1) reporters' creativity and advocacy freedom versus 2) ideological and economic constraints of the newspaper. The topic was investigated through content analysis and interviews with news professionals involved in campaign coverage.


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