“Dreamers” or threat: Bilingual frame building of DACA immigrants

2019 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-24 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hector Rendon ◽  
Maria de Moya ◽  
Melissa A. Johnson

This research analyzes Spanish- and English-language news discourses in the United States following the announcement of the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) program. It identifies how sources quoted by journalists affected framing of stories in five ethnic and general market newspapers. Coverage of Dreamers and DACA was generally positive, especially compared to common representations of undocumented immigrants as criminals and as a threat to the United States. Certain sources were a strong predictor for some frames about DACA, and undocumented people who arrived in the United States when they were children could be analyzed in communication research as a different category of immigrants than other adults.

2020 ◽  
pp. 089692052098012
Author(s):  
Els de Graauw ◽  
Shannon Gleeson

National labor unions in the United States have formally supported undocumented immigrants since 2000. However, drawing on 69 interviews conducted between 2012 and 2016 with union and immigrant rights leaders, this article offers a locally grounded account of how union solidarity with undocumented immigrants has varied notably across the country. We explore how unions in San Francisco and Houston have engaged with Obama-era immigration initiatives that provided historic relief to some undocumented immigrants. We find that San Francisco’s progressive political context and dense infrastructure of immigrant organizations have enabled the city’s historically powerful unions to build deep institutional solidarity with immigrant communities during the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA [2012]) and Deferred Action for Parents of Americans (DAPA [2014]) programs. Meanwhile, Houston’s politically divided context and much sparser infrastructure of immigrant organizations made it necessary for the city’s historically weaker unions to build solidarity with immigrant communities through more disparate channels.


2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (16) ◽  
pp. 15-27 ◽  
Author(s):  
Henriette W. Langdon ◽  
Terry Irvine Saenz

The number of English Language Learners (ELL) is increasing in all regions of the United States. Although the majority (71%) speak Spanish as their first language, the other 29% may speak one of as many as 100 or more different languages. In spite of an increasing number of speech-language pathologists (SLPs) who can provide bilingual services, the likelihood of a match between a given student's primary language and an SLP's is rather minimal. The second best option is to work with a trained language interpreter in the student's language. However, very frequently, this interpreter may be bilingual but not trained to do the job.


2017 ◽  
Vol 31 (6) ◽  
pp. 716-742 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chi Nguyen ◽  
Maraki Kebede

The 2016 U.S. presidential election marked a time of deep political divide for the nation and resulted in an administrative transition that represented a drastic shift in values and opinions on several matters, including immigration. This article explores the implications of this political transition for immigrants’ K-16 educational experiences during President Trump’s administration. We revisit literature on school choice and the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA)—two policy areas where the most significant changes are expected to occur—as it pertains to immigrant students in the United States. We identify areas where there is limited scholarship, such as the unique educational experiences of various minority immigrant subgroups, the interplay between race and immigration status, and immigrant students in rural areas. Recommendations are made for policy and research.


Amicus Curiae ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 188-215
Author(s):  
Richard K Wagner

The volume of disputes heard by United States (US) courts containing a China element continues to be robust even against a backdrop of political rhetoric concerning an economic ‘de-coupling’ of the US and China. These cross-border disputes often involve Chinese parties and special issues, some of which concern Chinese business culture, but many of which involve interpreting questions of Chinese law. How is proving Chinese law accomplished in these cases and how have US courts performed in interpreting Chinese law? This article first discusses the approach to proving Chinese law in US courts. While expert testimony is often submitted and can be valuable to a US court, the applicable US rule offers no standards by which these opinions are to be judged. And, in the China context, without specific guidance, it can be challenging for a judge, unaccustomed with China or the Chinese legal system to determine which version of the law to believe. Moreover, under the applicable rule, the US court can simply ignore competing Chinese law opinions and conduct its own Chinese law legal research, presumably using English language sources. This can lead to interesting interpretations of Chinese law to say the least. The article anchors its discussion in an examination of those recent cases which have interpreted Article 277 of the Civil Procedure Law of the People’s Republic of China. This is the legal provision of Chinese law that can be implicated in certain situations involving cross-border discovery, and there are now numerous Article 277 cases among the reported US decisions. The article analyses Article 277 by placing it within the larger context of Chinese civil procedure and argues that the language used in the provision has a special meaning within Chinese evidence law that has been obscured in those US case decisions interpreting it, leading to erroneous results. The article concludes by offering judges and practitioners some suggestions for interpreting Chinese law in future US cases. Keywords: Chinese law; US courts; Article 277; deposition; cross-border discovery; Hague Evidence Convention; Chinese civil procedure.


2011 ◽  
Vol 1 (4) ◽  
pp. 54-68 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kelly Lytle Hernández

Convicts and undocumented immigrants are similarly excluded from full social and political membership in the United States. Disfranchised, denied core protections of the social welfare state and subject to forced removal from their homes, families, and communities, convicts and undocumented immigrants, together, occupy the caste of outsiders living within the United States. This essay explores the rise of the criminal justice and immigration control systems that frame the caste of outsiders. Reaching back to the forgotten origins of immigration control during the era of black emancipation, this essay highlights the deep and allied inequities rooted in the rise of immigration control and mass incarceration.


2018 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 63-64 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lilit Karapetyan ◽  
Om Dawani ◽  
Heather S. Laird-Fick

The immigrant population in the United States has grown over the past years. Undocumented immigrants account for 14.6% of the uninsured population in the United States. Decisions about end-of-life treatment are often difficult to reach in the best of situations. We present a 43-year-old undocumented Mexican female immigrant with metastatic sarcomatoid squamous cell cervical cancer and discuss the barriers that she faced during her treatment. Limited English proficiency, living below the poverty line, low level of education, and lack access to Medicare, Medicaid, or other insurance coverage under the Affordable Care Act are major causes of decreased health-care access and service utilization by the immigrant population. Latinos are less likely to be referred to hospice by oncologists, and nearly a third of hospice agencies offer limited or no services to undocumented immigrants. Undocumented immigrants with terminal diagnoses generally do not have access to comprehensive or multidisciplinary follow-up treatment. Instead, one of their few options is to return to their home countries without any long-term treatment. This article discusses the many barriers and proposes areas for reform.


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