scholarly journals The politics of mutiny: The Pompée at Spithead and beyond, 1797

2021 ◽  
pp. 084387142110376
Author(s):  
Nicholas Rogers
Keyword(s):  
Collective Action ◽  
The Political ◽  
Changing Environment ◽  
Singular Event

This is a micro-study of the most radical ship in the Spithead mutiny of 1797, the Pompée, which experienced another mutiny soon after the Spithead confrontation was settled. The court martial papers of this singular event reveal a politically divided crew, which leads one to reconsider the dynamics of mutiny in this tumultuous year. I argue against the conventional interpretation of inside-outside influences, of pre-political seamen infiltrated by radical forces and also against reductive binaries such as mutiny versus subversion. While stressing the seamen's own capacity for collective action and their exposure to the political currents of the 1790s, I suggest the Pompée's experience illustrates the volatility of maritime protest in a rapidly changing environment in which Britain dug deep into its population, maritime and non-maritime, national and international, to man its fleets.

Cycles of Accumulation, Cycles of Struggle: The Zapatista Revolt in World-Systemic Perspective

2018 ◽  
Vol 45 (4-5) ◽  
pp. 667-681
Author(s):  
Christopher Gunderson
Keyword(s):  
Collective Action ◽  
Indigenous Communities ◽  
Phase Shifts ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Opportunity ◽  
Expansion Phase ◽  
Opportunity Structures ◽  
History Of ◽  
Political Opportunity Structures

The 1994 Zapatista uprising was not the first indigenous revolt in the territory known today as Chiapas, Mexico. Adopting insights from Cox and Nilsen and examining the history of three indigenous revolts in Chiapas within the framework of Arrighi’s “Systemic Cycles of Accumulation” (SCAs), this study considers the effects of such cycles on the timing of indigenous revolts. It finds a correlation between the initiation of the “financial expansion phase” of SCAs and outbreaks of indigenous revolt in Chiapas. Specifying the linkages between each SCA and developments in Chiapas, the study attributes this correlation to the effects of these phase shifts on the political opportunity structures of the indigenous communities. The implications of these findings for a theory of the timing of episodes of collective action generally is discussed.

scholarly journals ‘To Act upon one's Time …’ From the impulse to resist to global political strategy

2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 54-73 ◽  
Author(s):  
Birgit Müller
Keyword(s):  
Food Security ◽  
Collective Action ◽  
Political Action ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Strategy ◽  
Political Resistance ◽  
Human Beings ◽  
Strategic Action ◽  
Political Actions

This article reflects on the possibilities for political action emerging out of quotidian engagements. Following controversies on the patenting of seeds in Canada and globally within the Committee for Food Security I explore what gave the impulse for political resistance in these different arenas. How did collective action emerge and how did it sustain itself? Three political concepts are important for understanding the political actions that I observed: Eigen-Sinn, empathy and strategy. These allowed me to follow and theorize political engagements. I first reflect on the potential to resist as a capacity of all human beings, because they have Eigen-Sinn: the capacity to attribute their own meanings to things, and act in their own self-interested way according to the meaning given. Self-interested action can only become political, however, when humans go beyond their strictly individual interests and empathize with others (humans and nonhumans), what Adorno described as getting into ‘live contact with the warmth of things’. Finally, I discuss how collective action can become not only possible, but also effective, by building and defending a space for strategic action.

scholarly journals The political roots of intermediated lobbying: evidence from Russian enterprises and business associations

2016 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 395-433 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrei Govorun ◽  
Israel Marques ◽  
William Pyle
Keyword(s):  
Collective Action ◽  
Russian Federation ◽  
Political Competition ◽  
The Political ◽  
Business Enterprise ◽  
Business Associations ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
Business Association ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
Do So

A business enterprise interested in influencing the design, adoption or enforcement of a particular law, rule or regulation often confronts a choice. Does it lobby officials directly? Or does it do so indirectly, using a collective action group as an intermediary? We draw on data from a large, 2010 survey of enterprises across the Russian Federation to demonstrate that the propensity to engage in intermediated lobbying increases with region-level political competition. Our explanation builds on recent evidence confirming Mancur Olson's claim (1982) that less encompassing actors tend to lobby for more distortionary policies. We hypothesize that with greater political competition government officials become more responsive to encompassing voices (i.e. associations of businesses as opposed to single firms), since the electoral costs of being captured by narrower interests becomes greater. Evidence from a complementary survey of regional business association managers points in the same direction; the relative attention paid by officials to lobbying efforts by encompassing associations increases with political competition.

Exploring the Crisis of the Reform Movement in Iran (1997–2005)

2016 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 386-409
Author(s):  
SEYED AMIR NIAKOOEE
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Collective Action ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
Process Model ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Reform Movement ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Opportunity ◽  
Framing Processes ◽  
Comprehensive Framework

AbstractThe Second Khordad Movement was a democratic social movement in contemporary Iran. Investigation of this movement revealed two images, of flourish and of decline, as the movement was first generally successful until early 2000 and thereafter began to regress from the spring of that year onwards. The purpose of this article is to provide a comprehensive framework in which to examine the reasons behind the movement's failure and regression. To this end, the study utilizes the literature on social movements, especially the political process model, and attempts to explain the initial success and subsequent decline of the movement based on elements such as political opportunity, framing processes, mobilizing structures, and the repertoire of collective action.

scholarly journals Beyond prejudice: Are negative evaluations the problem and is getting us to like one another more the solution?

2012 ◽  
Vol 35 (6) ◽  
pp. 411-425 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Dixon ◽  
Mark Levine ◽  
Steve Reicher ◽  
Kevin Durrheim
Keyword(s):  
Collective Action ◽  
Social Inequalities ◽  
Prejudice Reduction ◽  
The Political ◽  
Intergroup Emotions ◽  
Action Model ◽  
History Of ◽  
The One ◽  
Ironic Effects

AbstractFor most of the history of prejudice research, negativity has been treated as its emotional and cognitive signature, a conception that continues to dominate work on the topic. By this definition, prejudice occurs when we dislike or derogate members of other groups. Recent research, however, has highlighted the need for a more nuanced and “inclusive” (Eagly 2004) perspective on the role of intergroup emotions and beliefs in sustaining discrimination. On the one hand, several independent lines of research have shown that unequal intergroup relations are often marked by attitudinal complexity, with positive responses such as affection and admiration mingling with negative responses such as contempt and resentment. Simple antipathy is the exception rather than the rule. On the other hand, there is mounting evidence that nurturing bonds of affection between the advantaged and the disadvantaged sometimes entrenches rather than disrupts wider patterns of discrimination. Notably, prejudice reduction interventions may have ironic effects on the political attitudes of the historically disadvantaged, decreasing their perceptions of injustice and willingness to engage in collective action to transform social inequalities.These developments raise a number of important questions. Has the time come to challenge the assumption that negative evaluations are inevitably the cognitive and affective hallmarks of discrimination? Is the orthodox concept of prejudice in danger of side-tracking, if not obstructing, progress towards social justice in a fuller sense? What are the prospects for reconciling a prejudice reduction model of change, designed to get people to like one another more, with a collective action model of change, designed to ignite struggles to achieve intergroup equality?

Reformist Ideology in the Arab World: The Cases of Tunisia and Lebanon

1975 ◽  
Vol 37 (4) ◽  
pp. 513-546
Author(s):  
John P. Entelis
Keyword(s):  
Collective Action ◽  
Arab World ◽  
Belief System ◽  
Human Condition ◽  
The Political ◽  
Human Community ◽  
Basic Assumptions ◽  
The Universe ◽  
The Human Condition

Ideology refers to a set of basic assumptions, both normative and empirical, about the nature and purposes of man and society which serve to explain the human condition. At the political level, it is a belief system through which man perceives, understands, and explains the universe as well as nature and the human community. Ideology also guides individual and collective action, sets forth the political goals one may seek and regulates the ways in which they may be obtained, and defines man's rights, privileges, andobligations. Finally, ideology sets the “parameters of expectations.”

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