scholarly journals Nested Peripheralisation

2017 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 26-43 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alena Pfoser

This article is part of the special section titled Recursive Easts, Shifting Peripheries, guest edited by Pamela Ballinger. The break-up of the Cold War order, the eastwards expansion of the European Union into former socialist countries and the more recent economic and humanitarian crises have led to the emergence of new symbolic borders and the reconfiguration of spatial hierarchies within Europe. The article shows how metageographical categories of “Europe,” “East,” and “West” and underlying classificatory logics are not only circulated in geopolitical discourses but can be appropriated by ordinary citizens in their everyday life. Using the Russian–Estonian border as a case study, the article examines the recursive negotiations of Europe’s East–West border by people living in the borderland as a response to the geopolitical changes. It highlights three border narratives: the narrative of becoming peripheral/Eastern, the narrative of becoming European, and a narrative contesting the East–West hierarchy by associating the East and one’s own identity with positive things. On both sides of the border, the status as a new periphery does not create unity across the border but rather results in multiple and competing border narratives, in which “Europe” functions as an unstable referent in relation to which one’s position is marked out. This “nested peripheralisation” at Europe’s new margins reflects power relations and uneven local experiences of transformation.

2018 ◽  
Vol 92 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-28 ◽  
Author(s):  
Petri Paju ◽  
Thomas Haigh

IBM Finland, a small national subsidiary, was at once a Finnish business and an interface to much larger networks of technological innovation and knowledge sharing. We contextualize its development within a nested set of institutions and identities: IBM's Nordic operations, its European business, and its World Trade Corporation. Its development was profoundly shaped by Finland's unique geopolitical position during the Cold War. IBM's internal structures anticipated and paralleled those of the European Union, with mechanisms for international cooperation, for the creation of transnational identities, and for the resolution and regulation of disputes between national subsidiaries.


Author(s):  
Bertjan Verbeek ◽  
Andrej Zaslove

This chapter discusses the impact of international politics on the rise of populist parties as well as the impact of populism on the foreign policy of the countries in which populist parties are present. It argues that the end of the Cold War, the advent of globalization, and the impact of regional organizations (e.g. the European Union) presented opportunity structures that facilitated the rise of populist parties. Similarly, the chapter argues that the effect of populist parties on their countries’ foreign policy is largely due to their attaching ideology. The chapter thus distinguishes between four types of populist parties, each attaching salience to different foreign policy issues: the populist radical right, the populist market liberal, the populist regionalist, and the populist left.


2015 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 410-425
Author(s):  
Timo Koivurova

This article examines moments of opportunity when non-governmental organisations (NGOS), inter-governmental organisations (IGOS), the European Union or nation-states have shown interest in discussing or commissioning studies on a comprehensive Arctic Treaty as a way to govern the region.These ‘windows of opportunity’ moments will be studied chronologically, starting from the end of the Cold War and progressing to the present day. It is also interesting to examine these proposals and their positioning against the current landscape of Arctic and global governance. The article will then examine how the region’s nation-states and other actors have actually opted to meet the challenges of this intensely transforming region, asking whether the states or other authoritative actors have been in favour of a comprehensive Arctic Treaty or if they have preferred to adopt some other solutions in respect to Arctic policy and law. Finally, it is of interest to examine the possible ways forward in governing a region that is undergoing dramatic transformation due to climate change and economic globalisation.


2017 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 439-455 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aline Sierp

This article is part of the special section titled The Genealogies of Memory, guest edited by Ferenc Laczó and Joanna Wawrzyniak This article analyses the wider context of policy conflict concerning public memory of the 1989 events. It uses Pierre Nora’s concept of lieux de mémoire in trying to explain why 23 August 1939 has been turned into a European Remembrance Day whereas 9 November 1989 has not. By investigating closely the role that various memory actors played during debates at the European level, it advances the idea that the anniversary of the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact has been more successful in establishing itself within the European remembrance landscape because it has allowed for the promotion of a unifying narrative of the European past. In doing so, the article questions the frequently advanced idea that memory clashes in the EU form around an East–West divide that in some cases overlaps with a Right–Left divide. The analysis digs deep into the complex dynamics lying at the heart of memory contests concerning the end of the Cold War within the EU and provides a more differentiated view of discussions preceding EU decisions on policies of memory.


Author(s):  
Alexandra Gheciu

Chapter 1 provides an overview of the book, explaining its rationale, conceptual framework, and methodology and placing it within the context of the existing literature. It argues that the nature and impact of commercialization of security in East European polities is profound and, in itself, deserves more attention than it has received so far. But the processes and practices examined in this book transcend the boundaries of those polities. A study of East European commercialization of security also sheds new light on aspects of the evolution of the European Union (EU) and the wider structures of European policing and security that have been insufficiently examined until now.


Author(s):  
Juan-Camilo Castillo

The main objective of this article is to analyze how the European Union, through its Security and Defence Policy, has become a rational actor in international security matters since the end of the Cold War. It will analyze the close relation that exists between European integration and the notion of continental collective security. Also the new post-Cold War concerns that present a potential risk to the EU are going to be examined, and consequently how they affect the rationality of this institution as an actor. Finally the last section will explore the divergence between Europe and America in matters of security and the way this political drift may create a situation in which NATO can become irrelevant in regards of European defence.   Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v3i3.189


2016 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 179-210
Author(s):  
Yannick Poullie

As a region that is simultaneously demilitarised, neutralised and autonomous, the Åland Islands represent a unique and long-established case in international law. However, this status was never independent of surrounding events. The early 1990s saw both the end of the Cold War and Finland’s accession to the European Union. This paper offers an analysis of the discussion regarding Åland’s demilitarised and neutralised status among both Finnish and Ålandic legislators during this period. It finds that Finnish policy-makers saw little need to discuss the matter. Åland’s officials continuously criticised the Finnish Defence Forces’ presence in the region as excessive and proved unwilling to let the issue rest. Against formal obstacles, they established themselves as a relevant actor, facilitated by differing approaches of political, diplomatic and military officials in Finland. Other sovereign states showed only limited interest in the discussion, making it a domestic one for the most part.


Modern Italy ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 111-113 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maurizio Carbone

Following the end of the Cold War, Italy took on greater responsibilities in dealing with the increased challenges to international security, especially in its neighbourhood. The aim of this special issue of the journal Modern Italy is to understand to what extent Italy has been successful in developing a third circle in its foreign policy beyond the two traditional lodestars, Atlanticism and Europeanism; or whether Italy's competence in the Mediterranean has been strategically used to improve its relationship with the United States or its position within the European Union.


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