Populism and Foreign Policy

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bertjan Verbeek ◽  
Andrej Zaslove
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Radical Right ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Regional Organizations ◽  
Policy Issues ◽  
Opportunity Structures ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The Impact

This chapter discusses the impact of international politics on the rise of populist parties as well as the impact of populism on the foreign policy of the countries in which populist parties are present. It argues that the end of the Cold War, the advent of globalization, and the impact of regional organizations (e.g. the European Union) presented opportunity structures that facilitated the rise of populist parties. Similarly, the chapter argues that the effect of populist parties on their countries’ foreign policy is largely due to their attaching ideology. The chapter thus distinguishes between four types of populist parties, each attaching salience to different foreign policy issues: the populist radical right, the populist market liberal, the populist regionalist, and the populist left.

Introduction: Italy's foreign policy and the Mediterranean

Modern Italy ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 111-113 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maurizio Carbone
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
European Union ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cold War ◽  
International Security ◽  
The United States ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Special Issue ◽  
The Mediterranean ◽  
The Cold War

Following the end of the Cold War, Italy took on greater responsibilities in dealing with the increased challenges to international security, especially in its neighbourhood. The aim of this special issue of the journal Modern Italy is to understand to what extent Italy has been successful in developing a third circle in its foreign policy beyond the two traditional lodestars, Atlanticism and Europeanism; or whether Italy's competence in the Mediterranean has been strategically used to improve its relationship with the United States or its position within the European Union.

European foreign policy since the Cold War: How ambitious, how inhibited?

2017 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-90 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Wallace
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cold War ◽  
The European Union ◽  
European Consensus ◽  
Defence Policy ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
National Governments ◽  
The Eu ◽  
Common Policy

The European Union has declared ambitious objectives for a common European foreign policy since the end of the cold war. Through successive revisions of its constitutional treaties, it has built may of the institutions that might support such a common policy. Incremental changes and adaptation through experience of successive crises have strengthened practices of cooperation and consultation. Yet the retention of sovereignty over foreign and defence policy by national governments, and the unwillingness of national governments and parliaments to engage in any EU-wide reconsideration of strategic needs and objectives has left these common institutions without the permissive consensus needed to support effective shared action. National inhibitions about subordinating particular interests and assumptions to a wider European consensus have left the EU institutions without the ability either to promote shared European interests or to act effectively when those interests are threatened.

Much Ado about Little: The Foreign Policy of the Second Berlusconi Government

Modern Italy ◽  
2005 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-74 ◽  
Author(s):  
Osvaldo Croci
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cold War ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Continuity And Change ◽  
The Cold War

SummaryThis article provides a review and an assessment of the foreign policy of the second Berlusconi government. The first section summarizes the changes Italian foreign policy underwent at the end of the Cold War. The second focuses on the question of continuity and change regarding the two traditional pillars of Italian foreign policy, the European Union and the Atlantic Alliance, during the second Berlusconi government's time in office. The article concludes that if the current government has brought changes to Italian foreign policy, they concern its tone and style more than its substance, and that the claim that Italy has embarked on a new foreign policy course is a political exaggeration.

scholarly journals Sanctions as tools in the US foreign policy after the cold war

2006 ◽  
Vol 58 (4) ◽  
pp. 469-491
Author(s):  
Aleksandra Joksimovic
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Public Diplomacy ◽  
Dominant Role ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
Military Interventions ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The Impact

In searching for various opportunities to act in pursuing its foreign policy and endeavors to achieve a dominant role in the global processes USA has developed a broad range of instruments including a financial assistance as a way to be given support for its positions, intelligence activities, its public diplomacy, unilateral implementation of sanctions and even military interventions. The paper devotes special attention to one of these instruments - sanctions, which USA implemented in the last decade of the 20th century more than ever before. The author explores the forms and mechanisms for implementation of sanctions, the impact and effects they produce on the countries they are directed against, but also on the third parties or the countries that have been involved in the process by concurrence of events and finally on USA as the very initiator of imposing them.

Regional identity and support for integration: An EU-wide comparison of parochialists, inclusive regionalist, and pseudo-exclusivists

2018 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 639-662 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Brigevich
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
Multilevel Analysis ◽  
Regional Identity ◽  
The European Union ◽  
New Regionalism ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
The Impact

The rise of “new regionalism” is one of the most salient features of the post-Cold War international order. Despite the resurgence of regionalism in Europe, little consensus exists on how regional identity impacts public opinion toward the European Union. To remedy this problem, this study examines the impact of three types of individual-level regional identity on support for integration: parochialism (exclusive regionalism), inclusive regionalism, and pseudo-exclusive regionalism. Contrary to scholarly expectations, the multilevel analysis reveals that inclusive regionalists are as equally Eurosceptic as parochial regionalists. In general, regional identity depresses support for integration unless it is expressly combined with a supranational identity. This finding holds true even in minority nations, where respondents are, on the whole, less Euro-friendly.

IBM's Tiny Peripheral: Finland and the Tensions of Transnationality

2018 ◽  
Vol 92 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-28 ◽  
Author(s):  
Petri Paju ◽  
Thomas Haigh
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Knowledge Sharing ◽  
Technological Innovation ◽  
World Trade ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Transnational Identities ◽  
Internal Structures ◽  
European Business ◽  
The Cold War

IBM Finland, a small national subsidiary, was at once a Finnish business and an interface to much larger networks of technological innovation and knowledge sharing. We contextualize its development within a nested set of institutions and identities: IBM's Nordic operations, its European business, and its World Trade Corporation. Its development was profoundly shaped by Finland's unique geopolitical position during the Cold War. IBM's internal structures anticipated and paralleled those of the European Union, with mechanisms for international cooperation, for the creation of transnational identities, and for the resolution and regulation of disputes between national subsidiaries.

Can We Conclude an Arctic Treaty? – Historical Windows of Opportunity

2015 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 410-425
Author(s):  
Timo Koivurova
Keyword(s):  
Climate Change ◽  
European Union ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Global Governance ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Windows Of Opportunity ◽  
Nation States ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Arctic Policy ◽  
Economic Globalisation

This article examines moments of opportunity when non-governmental organisations (NGOS), inter-governmental organisations (IGOS), the European Union or nation-states have shown interest in discussing or commissioning studies on a comprehensive Arctic Treaty as a way to govern the region.These ‘windows of opportunity’ moments will be studied chronologically, starting from the end of the Cold War and progressing to the present day. It is also interesting to examine these proposals and their positioning against the current landscape of Arctic and global governance. The article will then examine how the region’s nation-states and other actors have actually opted to meet the challenges of this intensely transforming region, asking whether the states or other authoritative actors have been in favour of a comprehensive Arctic Treaty or if they have preferred to adopt some other solutions in respect to Arctic policy and law. Finally, it is of interest to examine the possible ways forward in governing a region that is undergoing dramatic transformation due to climate change and economic globalisation.

scholarly journals The evolution of India-Central Europe relations after the Cold War

2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (56) ◽  
pp. 231-254
Author(s):  
Tomasz Łukaszuk
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Central Europe ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Indian Subcontinent ◽  
The European Union ◽  
European Union Enlargement ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Visegrad Group

The primary purpose of the article is to present the long term ties between India and Central Europe, and examine the transformation of their relationship after the end of the Cold War. Using J.A. Braveboy-Wagner’s liberal approach to diplomacy and foreign policy-making of developing countries as a tool of analysis, the article shows how the executive preferences of political leaders, historical narratives, and the strength of local values such as soft power, have influenced the political and economic cooperation between India and the Visegrad Group of countries that constitute the core of Central Europe – the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, and Slovakia. This method helps to show that contrary to the widely held opinion1 that the bonds between the Indian subcontinent and Central Europe were an artificial creation of the Soviet Union, they were instead created much earlier by contacts of Mahatma Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru, and Rabindranath Tagore in the first half of the 20th century. Indeed, a mutual interest and fascination between the two parties, combined with the complementary of needs of both sides after the end of WWII resulted in the development of a promising relationship in the 1960’s and 1970’s. Unfortunately, despite a lot of effort this promising partnership has failed to deliver since the end of the Cold War, and this paper is an attempt to find an explanation for this situation. The European’s focus on integrating with European institutions on one hand, and India’s new foreign policy priorities that were driven by modernization and regional, and then global power aspirations, on the other hand, weakened the intensity of this cooperation for two decades. The completing of the European Union enlargement process in 2004, and the increasing influence of China in Central Europe since 2012, has triggered a reaction by India in the form of the creation of India-Central Europe Business Forum in 2014, which until now has not yet met expectations. The article points to the potential of the Visegrad Group+ (V4+) formula of cooperation, which still possesses many untapped opportunities.

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