Minority Rights and the Constitutional Dilemmas of Pakistan

2001 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 417-443
Author(s):  
Javaid Rehman

Rights of religious minorities and the role of religion within the constitutional framework represent two key issues which have dominated Pakistan's fifty-four years of political history. This article analyses Pakistan's constitutional approaches towards its religious minorities. This analysis reveals that the State has been unable to establish a coherent constitutional framework in which to protect its religious minorities. Furthermore, as a consequence of politicisation of religion over the past three decades, Pakistan's religious minorities are increasingly being victimised and persecuted. The article identifies a number of laws and practices through which discrimination has been perpetuated and highlights the existing unfortunate situation of religious minorities within Pakistan.

2013 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 376-403 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tawfiq Alsaif

This paper tracks the relationship between religion and the state in Saudi Arabia during the past 50 years. This relationship is unique in the sense that the religious power (Wahabi) together with the ruling family (Al Sa'ud) were partners in founding the Kingdom. This cooperative relationship has been degenerating into mutual suspicion. Right now there are three main variants of religious stratification in Saudi Arabia vis-à-vis the state: the traditional Salafists who back the rulers come what may – the government is gradually reducing their prerogatives; and the opposition, which in turn is divided between Sahwa (who are discontented Salafists) and Tanweeris (advocates of enlightenment). The Sahwa current with its elderly leadership believes that the state is straying away from the teachings of religion and it recommends austere adherence to it; the dynamics of their activities are possibly pushing towards taking leadership from outside the Kingdom. The Tanweeris, on the other hand, have young leaders, the popular base is young and broad, and they are strong advocates of democracy. Despite their capacity for effective social mobilization, it seems too early to judge whether this religious stream will eventually push for reform or constrain it, especially given that it has not yet resolved its position on some key issues such as different national constituencies and women.


2012 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 193-217 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dawn L. Rothe ◽  
Scott Maggard

This article provides an overview of post-conflict justice (PCJ) as well as a detailed analysis of factors that impede or facilitate the implementation of mechanisms to address the atrocities of a conflict. Grounded in an extensive new dataset, developed over the past three years, covering all conflicts in Africa between 1946 and 2009, we extend previous research by including empirical testing of previously untested assumptions and variables impacting PCJ, most notably, the role of power, politics, economics, and geo-strategic interests at the state and international political levels as well as combining previously tested variables amongst and between each other. Further, the aspects of PCJ, including conflicts where mechanisms were not deployed are included in the analysis along with those coded as symbolic in nature. We conclude by discussing the pragmatic issues associated with testing the concept of realpolitik and policy implications based on our analysis.


2012 ◽  
Vol 19 (1, 2 & 3) ◽  
pp. 2011
Author(s):  
Benjamin L. Berger

There is perhaps no more important access point into the key issues of modern political and legal theory than the questions raised by the interaction of law and religion in contemporary constitutional democracies. Of course, much classical political and moral theory was forged on the issue of the relationship between religious difference and state authority. John Locke’s work was directly influenced by this issue, writing as he did about the just configuration of state authority and moral difference in the wake of the Thirty Years’ War. Yet debates about the appropriate role of religion in public life and the challenges posed by religious difference also cut an important figure, in a variety of ways, in the writings of Hobbes, Rousseau, Spinoza, Hegel, and much of the work that we now view as being at the centre of the development of modern political philosophy.


Author(s):  
A. Sh. Sharipov ◽  

This article analyzes the role and place of religion in Uzbek-Turkish relations. In both countries, the Sunni sect of Islam is predominant. In Uzbekistan, religion is separated from the state, and religious activity is fully controlled by the state. The ruling party in Turkey makes extensive use of Islamic elements in governing. Mirziyoyev's rise to power in Uzbekistan marked the beginning of religious cooperation. In Uzbekistan, where religious control has been strong for many years, various forms of religious education, such as Islamic finance and foundation work, have been inactive. Today, after Saudi Arabia and Iran, Turkey claims to be a leader in the Islamic world. The extent to which Turkey's experience in religion and state relations is relevant to Uzbekistan is important.


2002 ◽  
pp. 45-54
Author(s):  
Z.V. Shved

Over the last decade, interest in the heritage of such national thinkers who have worked in the space of sociocultural and religious studies has become relevant. That is why, in our opinion, the appeal to Vyacheslav Lipynsky's creative work is justified. Today, his legacy can be used not only to understand the history of society and the state, but also to understand some aspects of our present. Therefore, you should listen more carefully to the thoughts of this thinker.


2021 ◽  
pp. 803-815
Author(s):  
Tatiana A. Ornatskaya ◽  

The article highlights the process of formation of the Korean Department of the Eastern section of the ICCA under the conditions of existence of the buffer state — the Far Eastern Republic. It was to strive for geopolitical compromise in face of the Civil War and the Allied Intervention. The paper discusses conditions for establishment and reasons for further expansion of the Korean section. On the basis of documents from central and regional archives that are being thus introduced into the first scientific use, the contradictions of the national section formation are shown, the positions of the warring parties and the role of Soviet Russia representatives in the settlement of conflicts are highlighted. The conclusion is made about further directions of work with Korean communists. The past provides an opportunity to take a critical look at the events of a century ago, while the opening of the Comintern archives allows the open press to saturate its content with new data. The main body of unpublished documents on the activities of the Communist International is contained in the fond 495 of the Russian State Archive of Socio-Political History, however, information on some aspects may be found in other federal and regional archives. It is no secret that foreign communists played their role in the foreign policy of Soviet Russia, and their help was big. However, the process of bringing them to work in the interests of the RSFSR has not yet been fully studied. Expediency, cost, and consequences of their work may be arguable, but only one conclusion is allowed: this page of national history should not be forgotten, it has to find its researchers. Recently, the study of the activities of departments and sections of the Communist international has not been popular among researchers either. The notions of ideological work have fallen by the wayside, pushed away by the Soviet past of the Comintern departments and sections. However, in our view, some aspects of the activities of divisions and sections of the Comintern remain relevant.


2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 303
Author(s):  
Andreas Jonathan

This study attempts to discuss on how religious identities contribute to or was in conflict with the emerging national identities, with focusing issue on the struggle of Islam in its relation to Indonesian identity as a multi-religious nation and Pancasila state. Based on the critical analysis from the various literature, the result of the study showed that Islam did both contribute and was in conflict with the Indonesian national identity. The Islamist fights for the Islamic state, the nationalist defends Pancasila state. As long as Islam is the majority in Indonesia and as long as there is diversity in Islam, especially in the interpretation of Islam and the state, Indonesian national identity will always be in conflict between Pancasila state and Islamic state. Even though, the role of religion in society and nation change is very significant. The Islamist is always there, although it is not always permanent in certain organizations. In the past, NU and Muhammadiyah were considered as Islamist, but today they are nationalist. At the same time, new Islamist organizations and parties emerge to continue their Islamist spirit. Keywords: Islam, Religious identity, Pancasila, 


2021 ◽  
pp. 232102302110430
Author(s):  
Malvika Maheshwari

The article focuses on two moments in India’s political history, in which out-rightly expressed dissent underlines analytical shifts in the nature and course of the country’s democracy. It asks two questions: First, what does a self-proclaimed, democratic state do with peaceful dissenting artists? The second question follows from this. If indeed the state stigmatizes and suppresses that dissent, what does the artist do? By foregrounding the relationship between the dissent and offence-taking, the article shows the increasingly complex changes in the nature of the democratic state, role of the art market therein, the dynamic patterns of dissent itself, which underline the cyclic outbursts of violence against artists.


Author(s):  
Mirjam Künkler

This article provides an overview of Böckenförde’s writings on issues of religion, ethos, and the Catholic Church in relation to law, democracy, and the state. It presents Böckenförde as an inner-Catholic critic, who attempted to persuade Catholicism that one’s own freedom can be defended only as part of the general freedom. This was finally achieved, at least dogmatically according to Böckenförde, with the Declaration of Religious Freedom at the end of the Second Vatican Council. The article lays out how Böckenförde sees the role of religion and natural law in secular democracy, namely as one informing the citizens’ ethos. Democracy cannot survive in the long term unless it is carried out by people who consider themselves part of the same demos and work towards a shared democratic culture. The article includes information on his intellectual biography, a periodization of his academic writings in seven phases from 1957 to 2012, a discussion of some of his core arguments as an inner-Catholic critic, a reflection on the cover images he chose for the two volumes, and closes with concluding remarks on Böckenförde’s view of religion in democracy compared to other theorists of democracy and secularism.


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