scholarly journals Second-Order Sexual Harassment: Violence Against the Silence Breakers Who Support the Victims

2021 ◽  
pp. 107780122097549
Author(s):  
Ramón Flecha

Second-order sexual harassment (SOSH) is the harassment suffered by those who stand with and support victims of violence against women (VAW)1. Because the vast majority of programs currently focus on promoting bystander intervention, for such programs to be successful, knowledge about and actions against SOSH are necessary. Through narratives, this article provides unprecedented clues about SOSH. Working on safety strategies for individuals who support victims, promoting solidarity networks that also address SOSH, and ensuring that institutional policies are enforced are found to be central factors that can help prevent and/or transcend SOSH.

Author(s):  
Ana Vidu ◽  
Gema Tomás ◽  
Ramon Flecha

Abstract Backgroud Countless efforts to combat sexual harassment have been proposed, and for the first time in history, the second order of sexual harassment (SOSH) has been legislated under the term second-order violence (SOV) by a unanimous vote of the Catalan Parliament. Advances in preventing and responding to sexual harassment contribute to highlighting the intervention as being crucial to supporting survivors against retaliation. A lack of support provides a general explanation on why bystanders tend not to intervene and highlights the reality that reprisals are suffered by those who support victims. Methods From the existing knowledge about sexual harassment prevention and response mechanisms, this paper analyzes scientific evidence through a review of the literature published in databases, as well as legislation, reports, and other materials. Results The context that enables SOV legislation is grounded in three realms: (1) bystander intervention and protection, (2) the role of support networks in protecting survivors, and (3) awareness and legislation of SOSH. An active bystander refers to the involvement of someone who is aware of potential sexual harassment situations. Conclusions The lack of legislation against SOSH limits bystander intervention and support; therefore, legislating protection for supporters has become urgent and necessary. Legislating SOSH has great social implications because gender equality cannot be fully achieved if bystander protection is not legally considered. Policy Implications: As no legal system has previously contemplated SOSH, its pioneering parliamentarian approval and establishment by Catalan law constitute a legal key innovation for the field of gender and women’s studies. In fact, evidence reported here are important in developing further regulations and policy. Policy Implications As no legal system has previously contemplated SOSH, its pioneering parliamentarian approval and establishment by Catalan law constitute a legal key innovation for the field of gender and women’s studies. In fact, evidence reported here are important in developing further regulations and policy.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (8) ◽  
pp. 4135
Author(s):  
Lidia Puigvert ◽  
Ana Vidu ◽  
Patricia Melgar ◽  
Marifa Salceda

Gender-based violence and domestic violence constitute a huge problem all across countries and continents. The COVID-19 outbreak and the lockdown produced as a consequence of it have contributed to escalating this problem. Many national organisms reported an increase in the data on domestic violence during confinement. Bystander intervention often constitutes one of the most effective mechanisms of attention. The problem is that bystanders do not always dare to intervene. This article aims to provide knowledge on the reasons for this lack of intervention and its connection to domestic violence, while presenting measures to encourage intervention and victim support, offering protection to those most in need during this pandemic. The research was conducted through questionnaires distributed online among social entities in charge of providing care to women suffering from domestic violence during the lockdown. The results have shown that most of these entities have had to intervene in providing support to women during the lockdown. In conclusion, the case of the Unitary Platform Against Gender Violence and the entities, which are members of the platform, acted in situations of domestic violence produced during confinement, based on the mutual support provided by being a group of entities that have the support of the Platform.


Author(s):  
Sandra L. Curtis

Music therapists working in the area of domestic violence represent an emergent, but growing professional group. The termdomestic violenceis currently the most widely recognized. However, it has been criticized for the way in which it can serve to mask dimensions of gender and power involved, and can individualize the problem, ignoring its sociopolitical underpinnings. It also masks connections between this type of violence and all forms of male violence against women. As a result to ensure a better understanding, the preferred term for all types of this violence iswoman abuse, withintimate male partner violence(IMPV) the preferred term for violence against women in their intimate relationships. It should be noted that men can be victims of violence, but this violence is different in its nature, scope, and its impact. Music therapy work in the area of woman abuse is presented in this chapter.


Women Rising ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 245-258
Author(s):  
Theresa Hunt

In this chapter, Theresa Hunt explores the trajectory of the anti–sexual harassment campaigns in Egypt as one example of women’s prerevolution and antiregime protest. She examines the extensive campaigns of the Egyptian Center for Women’s Rights, El Nadim Center for the Management and Rehabilitation of Victims of Violence, and the new, technology-fueled project HarassMap. By strategically gaining national and even international attention, these campaigns engaged in critique of the state’s failure to address the alarming level of sexual harassment on Cairo’s streets and pressured the state to develop appropriate policy. As these organizations combined consciousness raising with subversion of state obstacles and mobilization of the public, their work reflects aspects of the 2011 revolution that mainstream media narratives find compelling but rarely attribute to women’s activism.


2019 ◽  
Vol 37 (4) ◽  
pp. 311-335
Author(s):  
Vladislava Stoyanova

Migrant women victims of domestic violence might face a stark choice between leaving an abusive relationship and tolerating the abuses so that they can preserve their residence rights in the host country. EU law suffers from some major limitations in addressing this situation. In view of the EU ratification of the Council of Europe Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence against Women (‘the Istanbul Convention’), will the EU be required to take new measures in light of the demands imposed by Article 59 of the Istanbul Convention that addresses the residence rights of migrant women victims of violence? By clarifying these demands and juxtaposing them with the relevant EU law standards, this article shows the divergences and convergences between the two regional European legal orders. It also forwards concrete suggestions as to which EU rules might need to be modified.


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