The road (not) taken? How the indexicality of practice could make or break the ‘New Constructivism’

2018 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 538-561 ◽  
Author(s):  
Timo Walter

The ‘turn to practice’ has become a methodological keystone for the project of a ‘New’ Constructivism within International Relations. This project aims to use the observable level of everyday, practical activities as a prism for making empirically tractable the processes of world-making that constitute international order. In making the logic of practice the starting point for substantive theorizing, this New Constructivism seeks to provide a methodological platform for more empirically grounded, analytically open conceptions of international order. More ‘experience-near’ modes of inquiry would thus allow us to come to terms with the increasingly heterogeneous and unruly nature of the International, and help avert further fissuring of an already divided discipline. While sharing the view that more experience-near modes of inquiry promise much in this regard, this article argues that the New Constructivism is in danger of going down a methodological blind alley that severely undermines its ability to achieve its objectives. It shows that the one-sided, meta-theoretically motivated emphasis on the (alleged) direct observability of practice orders in their natural contexts severely stunts our ability to make their logic explicit in concrete empirical analyses. To highlight these dangers, the article provides a close analysis of the methodological implications of the indexicality of meaning (its dependence on ‘socially organized occasions of its use’). It closely examines how recent applied practice-theoretical work in International Relations is handicapped by a deeply engrained misconception of indexicality. This shows that we need to accept reflexivity as a necessary ingredient for interpretation, and thus for making explicit the practical logics that constitute the International.

After Victory ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 3-20
Author(s):  
G. John Ikenberry

This introductory chapter provides an overview of how states build international order. The great moments of international order building have tended to come after major wars, as winning states have undertaken to reconstruct the postwar world. Certain years stand out as critical turning points: 1648, 1713, 1815, 1919, and 1945. At these junctures, newly powerful states have been given extraordinary opportunities to shape world politics. In the chaotic aftermath of war, leaders of these states have found themselves in unusually advantageous positions to put forward new rules and principles of international relations and by so doing remake international order. The most important characteristic of interstate relations after a major war is that a new distribution of power suddenly emerges, creating new asymmetries between powerful and weak states.


Author(s):  
Orsolya VARI ◽  
Stela DRAGULIN

This article wants to highlight the fact that for an opera/operetta performer, just talent and voice are not enough, he must have a multilateral, detailed and disciplined training. Of course, the nature of the voice is the starting point of any path in subsequent evolution. To reach a high level of interpretation you have to go through certain stages of approaching an opera/operetta role. You can't start the road without knowing your vocal apparatus, its components and how to use it, for later to be able to get to the interpretation, style and personal note. A perfect opera/operetta performer will be the one who, in addition to his voice, is able to understand the subtleties of music and implicitly of the libretto, and will also have a very fair and organized technical and informational training, "The sincerity of the expressiveness of a voice that does not take into account the real personal potentials, she will be doubtful” (Cîmpeanu 1975, 28).


In medias res ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (16) ◽  
pp. 2489-2498
Author(s):  
Divna Vuksanović ◽  
Dragan Ćalović

Taking the philosophy of media as a starting point, this text examines the possibilities, forms and status of critique in our times which are dominated, at least in the West, by what is known as media culture. On the one hand, the text avoids reducing systemic and strategic critique of capitalism to merely a critical point of view, while on the other it problematizes and examines the critique of modern media practices. The authors implicitly conclude that merely asking these questions paves the road to comprehensive critical action, within the existing systems of this media universe, as well as beyond it, i.e. in the particular socio-economic system of thought and action. This text also examines the possibility of achieving critical practices through art, and in the context of emerging new technologies. Possibilities for critique within the framework of new media art are explored in particular, as this might revolutionize not only media practices, but also the social, historical and economical practices of capitalism as such.


1982 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 174-194 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. T. Roberts

What the foregoing should have brought out is that ‘communication’ and ‘communicative’ are still very much the watchwords of current ELT, and that interest in research into what constitutes ‘communication’ persists strongly. It is, of course, true that over the last ten or so years a vast corpus of new knowledge has been accumulated and has led to many new applications; yet it is also evident that there is as yet little feeling of self-satisfaction and that efforts continue to be directed towards improvement of all aspects of ELT. However, there are some danger signs, perceived notably by Brumfit, that where the ‘communicative approach’ is concerned, stasis could well come about unless the obsession with syllabuses is leavened with a more immediate and sensitive concern for classroom techniques and events. The ‘humanistic/psychological approach’ is, on the other hand, principally methodologically orientated, but its own weakness is that it seems to underestimate the value of the syllabus as a device for assisting efficiency and, being in a sense ‘anti-linguistics’, may fail to see the value of descriptive knowledge of language. No doubt the debate as to how ‘explicitly’ one should actually teach learners will continue for many years to come – indeed, it has always been a perennial issue – but the one safe prediction at the present time seems to be that some sort of synthesis, as foreseen by Stern and Brumfit, will take place between the ‘communicative approach’ and the ‘humanistic/psychological approach’, such that ‘communicative teaching’ may come to have a more similar meaning for everybody. But for more detailed predictions of directions for the 1980s, Alatis et al. (eds.) (1981) should serve as a good starting-point.


Author(s):  
Ali Balci

Abstract Long neglected in international relations (IRs), the Ottoman Empire is now getting the attention it deserves. Leaving its “Westphalian straitjacket” behind, the discipline has finally taken a keen interest in non-Western and historical cases. However, the discipline has long focused disproportionately on the Chinese tributary system and produced a large body of literature about it. Spruyt's The World Imagined presents two crucial innovations. The book, on the one hand, introduces the “Islamic international society” into the mainstream, and on the other hand, balances the dominance of the Chinese tributary system in the historical IR subfield. When Spruyt's book is read together with Mikhail's God's Shadow and White's Piracy and Law in the Ottoman Mediterranean, it becomes clear that the Ottoman Empire should be treated as a distinct international order. By including another book in the debate (Casale's The Ottoman Age of Exploration), this study aims to problematize “Islamic international society” and introduce the Ottoman Empire as a distinct international order.


2019 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 338-356
Author(s):  
Tim Dunne ◽  
Nicholas J Wheeler

Human rights have been in the practice of international relations, but they have not been central to academic thinking on International Relations (IR) for most of the century since the discipline became institutionalized in 1919. We suggest two related reasons for this relative neglect by the IR community. First, the US heartland of IR prioritized other institutions of international order during the 1950s and 1960s, primarily the balance of power, diplomacy, and arms control. Second, human rights were treated with suspicion by realists in particular given their view that morality in foreign policy was potentially disruptive of international order. If the emergent discipline of IR largely ignored the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights, so did the rest of the world according to the revisionist history of human rights offered by Samuel Moyn. He challenges the idea that the birth of the regime was the culmination of a 150-year struggle that began in the minds of Enlightenment thinkers and ended with a new globalized framework of rights for all. While IR was slow to come to human rights, the pace in the last three decades has quickened considerably; the area of protecting the basic right of security from violence being a case in point, where several IR scholars have been pivotal in the development of action-guiding theory. Developing a critical theme in Carr’s The Twenty Years’ Crisis 1919-1939, we consider whether these institutional developments represent great illusions or great transformations in international relations in Carr’s terms.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 191-226 ◽  
Author(s):  
RICHARD COLLINS

Abstract:The international rule of law is a somewhat ubiquitous concept yet, as idea, it is marred by ambiguity and disagreement and, as ideal, constantly frustrated by the institutional conditions of the decentralised international legal order. Rather than necessarily undermining the concept, however, I argue that these structural conditions cause a kind of conceptual rupture, resulting in seemingly opposed or contradictory idealisations. On the one hand, the international rule of law can be understood as what Terry Nardin has called the ‘basis of association’ in international relations. This understanding places importance on the legal form as an end in itself, whereby the structural or institutional autonomy of international law is critical to the peaceable conduct of international relations. On the other hand, however, the rule of law exists as an unfulfilled promise of an order to come: it is distinctly anti-formalist in nature, stressing the functional capacity of international law to actually constrain political actors (primarily states) and thus seeking to develop more effective international institutional mechanisms. Although these competing idealisations give rise to a certain contradiction and inherent tension, their conceptual opposition is, I believe, critical to an understanding of authority and accountability dynamics in an era of ‘global governance’.


Author(s):  
William Bain

This chapter lays out a tension that arises in a world that is dominated by the theory of imposed order, yet makes room for the theory of immanent order as a rhetoric that is set against what it done in the name of will and artifice. Theorizing international order in contemporary international relations can be interpreted as an attempt to negotiate these rival positions. However, the chapter makes the critical point that these theories of order represent incommensurable positions. The one cannot be assimilated to the other to form a coherent composite theory of order. The chapter discusses the implications of a world that is torn between these incommensurable positions. The theory of immanent order provides a sense of transcendent truth that conditions what human beings make and do, but in a constructed world, consistent with the theory of imposed order, this transcendent truth is an artefact of the same freedom it seeks to regulate. This is a consequence of substituting human decision in place of God to secure the regularity of international order. Secular alternatives to God are sustained in the same way that nominalist theologians repose confidence in God: through faith or belief. The chapter concludes by arguing that this theological inheritance begins to unravel at a certain point because, unlike God, human beings are conditionally, rather than absolutely, good. The danger is that abiding uncertainty exposes the regularity of international order to the arbitrary whims of power.


Res Publica ◽  
2003 ◽  
Vol 45 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 349-378
Author(s):  
Bart Kerremans ◽  
Edith Drieskens

The European Union stepped into the year 2002 with mixedfeelings. On the one hand, the anthraxcrisis and the war in Afghanistan remembered of the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001. On the other hand, the introduction of the euro notes and coins created a EU-wide feeling of euphoria. In the following twelve months, EU activity was mainly dominated by the impeding eastern enlargement. Moreover, in 2002, the institutional foundations were laid ofwhat will turn out to be one of the mostfundamental transformations ofthe European construction in EU history. As most of these activities will be settled in the years to come, asfor 2002, especially the starting point - the introduction of the euro coins and notes -and the end point- the decision ofthe Copenhagen European Council to welcome Cyprus, Estonza, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Malta, Poland, Slovenia, the Czech Republic and the Slovak Republic in 2004 into the European family - will remain printed in the European memory.


Forum+ ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-23
Author(s):  
Niek Kosten ◽  
Liesbeth Huybrechts

Abstract In recente debatten over stadsontwikkeling zien we een grotere vraag van individuele bewoners en burgerbewegingen naar inspraak in het beleid, ook buiten de verkiezingstijd. Dit daagt overheden, maar ook burgerbewegingen uit om op zoek te gaan naar manieren om die grotere diversiteit van mensen en groepen een stem te geven. Via de interventie De Eendagspartij onderzochten Niek Kosten en Liesbeth Huybrechts hoe ontwerpers een rol kunnen spelen in het creëren van ruimte voor een grotere verscheidenheid aan stemmen in het debat in en over de stad. De auteurs verkenden meer bepaald een vorm van grafisch ontwerp die uitgaat van het dagelijks leven van politieke partijen, bewonersgroepen en mensen in de stad en hoe zij zich grafisch uitdrukken rond bepaalde thema's. Dit noemen ze vernaculair ontwerp'. Recent debates about urban development are dominated by the desire, expressed by individual residents and citizen movements alike, to weigh in on the policymaking – and not only in election periods. This challenges both governments and citizen movements to come up with ways to give a voice to this greater diversity of people and groups. Using the intervention De Eendagspartij (The One-day Party), Niek Kosten and Liesbeth Huybrechts explored how designers can help make room for a bigger variety of voices in the debate about and in the city. In particular, the authors explored the use of a certain design that takes as its starting point the daily lives of political parties, resident groups and people in the city in general, and the way they graphically express themselves on certain themes. They labeled this 'vernacular design'.


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