The United States and the Rise of General Maximiliano Hernández Martínez

1971 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 151-172 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth J. Grieb

The militarycoup d'étatwhich installed General Maximiliano Hernández Martínez as President of El Salvador during December 1931 created a crisis involving the 1923 Washington Treaties. By the terms of these accords, the Central American nadons had pledged to withhold recognition from governments seizing power through force in any of the isthmian republics. Although not a signatory of the treaty, the United States based its recognition policy on this principle. Through this means the State Department had attempted to impose some stability in Central America, by discouraging revolts. With the co-operation of the isthmian governments, United States diplomats endeavored to bring pressure to bear on the leaders of any uprising, to deny them the fruits of their victory, and thus reduce the constant series ofcoupsandcounter-coupsthat normally characterized Central American politics.

Social Work ◽  
2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin Roth ◽  
John Doering-White ◽  
Karen Andrea Flynn

Central America is the seven-country region between Colombia and Mexico that includes Belize, Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, and Panama. Of the 44 million total immigrants in the United States (US), approximately 8 percent (3.5 million) are from this region. However, among them Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras are overrepresented. Nearly half (1.4 million) of all Central America migrants in the United States are from El Salvador alone. Therefore, these three countries are the primary focus of this bibliography. Each has a complex history that has contributed to recent migration trends, yet Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras also share much in common and are often referred to as the “Northern Triangle” by policymakers and scholars. Out-migration from the region is attributable to many factors, including a long history of violence and political instability, international gang activity, and the drug trade—all problems that have been exacerbated by US policy. While some are traditional labor migrants, many others are asylees who are fleeing persecution. Regardless of why they leave their countries, Central American migrants have begun settling across the United States, including places that have not traditionally been receiving contexts for newcomers. In response, local and federal policies have been largely exclusionary, making their process of social, cultural, and economic adaptation more difficult. Central American migrants have also been criminalized by contemporary immigration enforcement rhetoric and practices in the United States. This has contributed to growing rates of deportation which, in turn, have contributed to the disruption of immigrant families. Transnational Central American families have been reorganized by migration in other ways as well. Parents have migrated in search of better economic opportunities, leaving their children in the care of extended family members, for example. At other times, migrant parents and their children have been forcibly separated by the immigration system, whether upon apprehension at the border or as a result of interior enforcement practices. As conditions in many Central America communities remain precarious, children, youth and families continue to seek asylum at the US-Mexico border. However, the laws and practices governing the asylum process are not static. As these laws change, it is incumbent upon social workers to stay informed about the needs of Central American migrants so they can more effectively advocate for their rights.


1986 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 1-32 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruce Michael Bagley

By Mid-1986, The Contadora Group's search for a negotiated peace in Central America had reached a seemingly insurmountable impasse. Negotiations were deadlocked over the issues of arms limitations, democratization, and US support for the Nicaraguan counter-revolutionaries (contrarevolucionarios or contras). The United States and its closest Central American allies - Costa Rica, Honduras and El Salvador - demanded that Nicaragua reduce the size of its armed forces and install a democratic political system before they would end support for the contras Nicaragua's Sandinistas, in turn, refused to disarm until the United States and its Central American neighbors halted their support for the contras, they also rejected all proposals for direct negotiations with the contras.


2006 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Tania Quintaneiro

Durante a Segunda Guerra Mundial, os Estados Unidos valeram-se das Listas Negras para eliminar as redes comerciais e as empresas vinculadas aos países do Eixo que atuavam nas repúblicas americanas. Este artigo analisa a política de guerra econômica aplicada no Brasil, especificamente com relação às cooperativas dos imigrantes japoneses, e a estratégia do governo Vargas para lidar com as pressões exercidas pelas autoridades do Departamento de Estado norte-americano. Abstract During World War II, the United States used the Proclaimed List of Certain Blocked Nationals as an instrument to eliminate the commercial networks and the companies associated to Axis countries operating in the American Republics. This article analyses the policy of economic warfare applied in Brazil, specifically in relation to the cooperatives of Japanese immigrants and the strategy of the Vargas government to deal with the pressures exercised by the State Department. Palavras-chave: Brasil. Imigrantes japoneses. Listas Negras. Key words: Brazil. Japanese immigrants. Proclaimed Lists.


1997 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 71-74

Good afternoon. I am very pleased to welcome Vice Premier Qian Qichen to the State Department. We are meeting again, so soon after my February trip to Beijing, and I think that that indicates the high importance that the United States and China attach to our bilateral relationship.


2016 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 96-115 ◽  
Author(s):  
Denielle M. Perry ◽  
Kate A. Berry

At the turn of the 21st century, protectionist policies in Latin America were largely abandoned for an agenda that promoted free trade and regional integration. Central America especially experienced an increase in international, interstate, and intraregional economic integration through trade liberalization. In 2004, such integration was on the agenda of every Central American administration, the U.S. Congress, and Mexico. The Plan Puebla-Panama (PPP) and the Central America Integrated Electricity System (SIEPAC), in particular, aimed to facilitate the success of free trade by increasing energy production and transmission on a unifi ed regional power grid (Mesoamerica, 2011). Meanwhile, for the United States, a free trade agreement (FTA) with Central America would bring it a step closer to realizing a hemispheric trade bloc while securing market access for its products. Isthmus states considered the potential for a Central America Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA) with the United States, their largest trading partner, as an opportunity to enter the global market on a united front. A decade and a half on, CAFTA, PPP, and SIEPAC are interwoven, complimentary initiatives that exemplify a shift towards increased free trade and development throughout the region. As such, to understand one, the other must be examined.


2021 ◽  
pp. 199-208
Author(s):  
Brian Masaru Hayashi

Each of the three Asian American suspects were considered and then dismissed as the Trojan Horse within the OSS. The suspicion that the double agent was someone with a short family history in the United States was proven incorrect. Instead, the foreign agent inside the OSS was one whose family heritage traced back to the American Revolutionary War and whose ancestor signed the Declaration of Independence. Yet blame for the intelligence leakage to a foreign power ultimately rests on the FBI, the State Department, and the director of the OSS itself for their inadequacies in securing classified documents and ineptitude at counterintelligence.


Build ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 169-184
Author(s):  
Mark Katz

The conclusion considers the value of the partnership between hip hop and diplomacy. Hip hop diplomacy has value in convening groups unlikely to collaborate otherwise; it can be a source of validation for hip hop artists and their communities; and it can generate a favorable view of the United States and good will towards its citizens. Such positive outcomes, however, are not automatic and require that programs be conducted with respect, humility, self-awareness and a willingness to collaborate with local partners. Although the State Department faced severe funding cuts in the first years of the Trump administration, hip hop diplomacy has remained well-funded, although its future is uncertain. Specific anecdotes and case studies come from Next Level programs in Bangladesh, El Salvador, and Morocco.


1967 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 107-121 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth J. Grieb

The administration of Warren G. Harding found itself facing the issue of Central American Union when it assumed office in March, 1921. Central Americans had debated combination since independence, and the question came to the fore periodically, resulting in numerous attempts to reunite the isthmus. But the previous proposals had all faltered when governments favoring confederation were overthrown. The issue was periodically revived whenever renewed coups returned pro-union regimes to power in several of the countries. In this way the debate continued throughout the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, ebbing and flowing with the frequent revolutions, coups, and counter coups that constituted Central American politics.


2006 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 57-91 ◽  
Author(s):  
John A. Soares

This article discusses the Carter administration's policies toward Nicaragua and El Salvador after the Sandinistas took power in Nicaragua in July 1979. These policies were influenced by the widespread perception at the time that Marxist revolutionary forces were in the ascendance and the United States was in retreat. Jimmy Carter was trying to move away from traditional American “interventionism” in Latin America, but he was also motivated by strategic concerns about the perception of growing Soviet and Cuban strength, ideological concerns about the spread of Marxism-Leninism, and political-humanitarian concerns about Marxist-Leninist regimes' systematic violations of human rights.


Worldview ◽  
1984 ◽  
Vol 27 (6) ◽  
pp. 10-12
Author(s):  
Gregory F. Treverton

Most discussions of U.S. policy in Central America have focused on operational questions: Should the United States support the Contras seeking to overthrow the Sandinista government of Nicaragua? Should we condition military aid to El Salvador on curbing the death squads? These are the issues debated too by the Kissinger Commission on Central America, whose report was presented to President Reagan earlier this year. They are important, vexing, and decisive. But they are also essentially unanswerable on their own terms.


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