The Illusion of Electoral Stability: From Party System Erosion to Right-Wing Populism in Brazil

2021 ◽  
pp. 1866802X2110051
Author(s):  
André Borges
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Research ◽  
Party System ◽  
System Stability ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Extreme Right ◽  
Electoral Volatility ◽  
Ideological Differences ◽  
Right Wing Populism ◽  
The Government

Although comparative research has relied heavily on electoral volatility as a proxy for party system institutionalisation (PSI), this measure cannot account for the patterns of interparty interactions that are key to determine the degree of party system stability. I develop a new measure – the party bloc volatility (PBV) index – to account for consistency in the ideological positions and in the partisan composition of the government and opposition blocs. I demonstrate the limitations of the index of electoral volatility by analysing the case of Brazil. Although electoral volatility substantially decreased between 1994 and 2010, the patterns of interparty alliances became less and less predictable from 2002 onwards, as party fragmentation increased while interparty ideological differences decreased. In combination with a major economic and political crisis, these trends led to the discrediting of the established parties and thus favoured the rise of the extreme right in the 2018 elections.

Introduction

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ekrem Karakoç
Keyword(s):  
Party System ◽  
Median Voter ◽  
System Stability ◽  
New Democracies ◽  
The Czech Republic ◽  
Electoral Volatility ◽  
Large N ◽  
Multimethod Approach ◽  
Median Voter Theory ◽  
Nondemocratic Regimes

This chapter opens by providing empirical evidence that income inequality persists or increases in many new democracies after their transition. Then it gives a brief overview of studies that expect reduced inequality because of democratization and questions their three assumptions regarding median voters, party system stability, and the authoritarian legacy on citizen–party linkage. It offers a revision to the median voter theory, emphasizes high electoral volatility in new democracies, and reexamines the legacy of previous nondemocratic regimes on citizen–party linkage. Having offered its argument in a nutshell, it turns to research methodology and case selection. It offers the rationale behind employing a multimethod approach to test its arguments. It tests its argument through large-N analysis in new and longstanding democracies in Europe as well as two paired case studies: Poland and the Czech Republic in postcommunist Europe and Turkey and Spain in Southern Europe.

On the 'Two Faces' of right-wing extremism in Belgium : Confronting the ideology of extreme right-wing parties in Belgium with the attitudes and motives of their voters

Res Publica ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 397-411
Author(s):  
Hans De Witte
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Groups ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Extreme Right ◽  
Ethnic Nationalism ◽  
Ideological Differences ◽  
Core Elements ◽  
Right Wing Extremism

In this article, we analyse the ideological differences between extreme rightwing parties and their voters in the Flemish and Walloon part of Belgium. Extreme right-wing ideology consists of five core elements:  (biological) racism, extreme ethnic nationalism, the leadership principle, anti-parliamentarianism and an anti-leftist attitude. All these attitudes refer to the basic value of rightwing extremism: the belief in the inequality of individuals and ( ethnic) groups.  An analysis of the ideology of the Vlaams Blok in Flanders shows that it adheres to these core elements of extreme right-wing ideology. An analysis of the attitudes and motives of the voters of this party, however, shows that they cannot be considered as right-wing extremists. The ideological gap between the Vlaams Blok and its electorate is due to the strategy of this party, since it cultivates 'two faces': a populist, moderate face in order to attract votes, and a radical extreme rightwingface in order to recruit and motivate militants. In Wallonia, less is known about the ideology of right-wing parties and that of their voters. Current research however, suggests that the conclusions from Flemish research may very well be generalized to Wallonia as well.

scholarly journals Scopes of Solidarity in Times of Crisis: Insights from Poland

2020 ◽  
pp. 131-155
Author(s):  
Janina Petelczyc ◽  
Rafał Bakalarczyk ◽  
Ryszard Szarfenberg
Keyword(s):  
Economic Crisis ◽  
Public Discourse ◽  
Qualitative Data ◽  
Poor Response ◽  
Social Solidarity ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Extreme Right ◽  
Social Tension ◽  
Social Fields ◽  
The Government

Abstract Poland coped well with the worldwide economic crisis and refugee challenge. However, studies show that the crisis did in fact exist, and the state’s poor response to it was reflected in the citizens who bore its brunt. As for migration, polarised public discourse and the attitude of the government resulted in social tension, including extreme right-wing parties mobilising citizens around migration issues. In this chapter, using qualitative data from the TransSOL project, the authors answer the following question: How have crises and other changing circumstances affected organised solidarity in different social fields, namely unemployment, migration and disability? The chapter argues that, according to the theory of the economic recession’s impact on multidimensional solidarity due to the austerity measures, or the Polish government’s inaction, social solidarity did emerge, but in unforeseen ways and fields.

scholarly journals STATE AND RIGHT-WING POPULISM: ANALYSIS ON THE KEMENKO POLHUKAM RI PERSUASION APPROACH IN RESPONDING THE WAVE OF “212” MOVEMENT

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 14-34
Author(s):  
Dinda Rizkimawati ◽  
Indra Kusumawardhana
Keyword(s):  
Capital City ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Extreme Right ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
Domestic Security ◽  
Right Wing Populism ◽  
The Masses

Basuki Tjahaja Purnama’s blasphemy case reaped various reactions and criticisms. In the “Action of Defending Islam 212”, where Muslims in Indonesia expressed their anger, the masses demanded that religious blasphemers be brought to justice. It caused a series of demonstrations in Indonesia and instability in their domestic security, especially Jakarta as the capital city. This movement was widely known as the wave of right-wing populism in Indonesia. To respond to an extreme right-wing political movement in Indonesian society, the Coordinating Ministry for Political, Legal, and Security made efforts to persuade the community after the movement. This effort was significant in managing the widening of the narrative and reminding those who used the approach anchor base or key people and communities to help spread the message.

Far-right party is reshuffling Dutch populism

2019 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
The Netherlands ◽  
National Level ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Far Right ◽  
Content Type ◽  
European Elections ◽  
Right Wing Populism ◽  
The Government ◽  
Islamic Party

Subject Dutch right-wing populism. Significance The Netherlands' newest far-right party, Forum for Democracy (FvD), won the provincial elections on March 20, receiving almost 15% of the vote. The party’s support is expected to grow, and it joins the anti-Islamic Party for Freedom (PVV) as the Netherlands' second major far-right party. Impacts Support for far-right parties will increase pressure on the government to implement populist ideas, especially in cultural affairs. Centrist parties in the European Conservative and Reformist group may try to block the FvD’s admission after the European elections. Policymaking at the national level will become increasingly difficult.

Electoral Performance of New Political Parties in Ukraine: The Context of Electoral Volatility at the Parliamentary Level (1998–2019)

2021 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 274-292
Author(s):  
Anatoliy Romanyuk ◽  
Vitaliy Lytvyn
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Identity Politics ◽  
Party System ◽  
Party Affiliation ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Electoral Volatility ◽  
Electoral Support ◽  
The Government ◽  
Electoral Performance ◽  
Levels Of Support

This article is devoted to study and comparative analysis of the features and levels of support for new political parties during parliamentary elections in Ukraine, in particular the period 1998–2019. With this in mind, mainly based on the calculations of the indices of overall electoral volatility, intra-system electoral volatility and extra-system electoral volatility, we analyze the parameters of changes in electoral support (by voters) for political parties, in particular new ones, during the 1998–2019 parliamentary elections in Ukraine. In addition, we correlate overall, intra-system and extra-system electoral volatility, and present the correlation of overall electoral volatility in the sample of all political parties as the subjects of electoral processes in Ukraine and political parties elected to the national parliament (the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine). As a result, the study outlines two clusters of extra-system electoral volatility, which show the highest level of similarity, and calculates the dependence of the level of electoral volatility and stability of the party system in Ukraine. With this background, we conclude that electoral volatility in Ukraine is largely determined by the effect of party affiliation or desire to belong to the government or opposition, and is regulated by the special context of identity politics in this country.

Populist Discourse and Desire for Social Justice

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Erzsébet Barát
Keyword(s):  
Gender Ideology ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Sex And Gender ◽  
The People ◽  
Right Wing Populism ◽  
The Government ◽  
And Gender ◽  
Empty Signifier

This chapter reviews research on populism by describing the role of discourse in articulating a “we” as an empty signifier. The emergence of “gender-ideology” discourse is presented as key to contemporary forms of exclusionary populism, as demonstrated in a case study of Hungary’s recent modification of the national register to prevent transgender individuals from retroactively changing their “sex at birth” status. The chapter argues that the discrediting of gender as an ideology mobilizes not only exclusionary right-wing populism but also feminisms asserting binary distinctions of a biologized sex and gender. While the government defends “us, the Hungarian people” against a “gender” that is not material but pure propaganda, self-identified progressive feminists dismiss trans-politics for focusing on identity instead of political economy. Both groups thus use “gender ideology” to mobilize an exclusionary rhetoric of hate. The chapter proposes that “us, the people” may instead be used to motivate a radical left populism organized around a “feminist people” of flexible inclusivity.

Germany: From Stable Coalition Camps to New Complexity

2021 ◽  
pp. 247-283
Author(s):  
Marc Debus ◽  
Holger Döring ◽  
Alejandro Ecker
Keyword(s):  
Party System ◽  
First Century ◽  
Institutional Setting ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
Coalition Politics ◽  
Electoral Support ◽  
Time Period ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Impact

This chapter aims at presenting the characteristics of cabinets in Germany, in particular for the cabinets formed since the beginning of the twenty-first century. The chapter covers two decades of coalition dynamics and an era that has led to significant changes in German politics in general and the German party system in particular. The electoral support for the two catch-all parties – Christian Democrats (CDU/CSU) and Social Democrats (SPD) decreased in that time period, while the increased number of parliamentary parties and the increasing vote share for the smaller parties resulted in a more complex bargaining environment. We also discuss changes in the policy profiles of the parliamentary parties and how potential coalitions are discussed during election campaigns. The chapter provides first a brief overview on the institutional setting in which parties in Germany act and which influences the government-formation process, as well as the daily business of coalition governance. In a second step, we outline recent dynamics in the structure of the German party system. The final section summarizes the findings, considers if an overall trend in terms of changes in coalition governance exists in Germany, and discusses the impact of the parliamentary presence of a left- and a right-wing ‘pariah’ party—The Left and the Alternative for Germany—for coalition politics in Germany in the future.

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