scholarly journals Racial/ethnic and educational inequities in restrictive abortion policy variation and adverse birth outcomes in the United States

2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sara K. Redd ◽  
Whitney S. Rice ◽  
Monica S. Aswani ◽  
Sarah Blake ◽  
Zoë Julian ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Birth Outcomes ◽  
Fixed Effects ◽  
State Level ◽  
The United States ◽  
Adverse Birth Outcomes ◽  
Linear Probability ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Racial Ethnic ◽  
Additional Exposure

Abstract Background To examine racial/ethnic and educational inequities in the relationship between state-level restrictive abortion policies and adverse birth outcomes from 2005 to 2015 in the United States. Methods Using a state-level abortion restrictiveness index comprised of 18 restrictive abortion policies, we conducted a retrospective longitudinal analysis examining whether race/ethnicity and education level moderated the relationship between the restrictiveness index and individual-level probabilities of preterm birth (PTB) and low birthweight (LBW). Data were obtained from the 2005–2015 National Center for Health Statistics Period Linked Live Birth-Infant Death Files and analyzed with linear probability models adjusted for individual- and state-level characteristics and state and year fixed-effects. Results Among 2,250,000 live births, 269,253 (12.0%) were PTBs and 182,960 (8.1%) were LBW. On average, states had approximately seven restrictive abortion policies enacted from 2005 to 2015. Black individuals experienced increased probability of PTB with additional exposure to restrictive abortion policies compared to non-Black individuals. Similarly, those with less than a college degree experienced increased probability of LBW with additional exposure to restrictive abortion policies compared to college graduates. For all analyses, inequities worsened as state environments grew increasingly restrictive. Conclusion Findings demonstrate that Black individuals at all educational levels and those with fewer years of education disproportionately experienced adverse birth outcomes associated with restrictive abortion policies. Restrictive abortion policies may compound existing racial/ethnic, socioeconomic, and intersecting racial/ethnic and socioeconomic perinatal and infant health inequities.

Trust in Government and the American Public’s Responsiveness to Rising Inequality

2019 ◽  
Vol 73 (4) ◽  
pp. 790-804 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Macdonald
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
Income Inequality ◽  
State Level ◽  
Political Trust ◽  
The United States ◽  
Trust In Government ◽  
Combine Data ◽  
Election Studies ◽  
The Relationship

The United States has become increasingly unequal. Income inequality has risen dramatically since the 1970s, yet public opinion toward redistribution has remained largely unchanged. This is puzzling, given Americans’ professed concern regarding, and knowledge of, rising inequality. I argue that trust in government can help to reconcile this. I combine data on state-level income inequality with survey data from the Cumulative American National Election Studies (CANES) from 1984 to 2016. I find that trust in government conditions the relationship between inequality and redistribution, with higher inequality prompting demand for government redistribution, but only among politically trustful individuals. This holds among conservatives and non-conservatives and among the affluent and non-affluent. These findings underscore the relevance of political trust in shaping attitudes toward inequality and economic redistribution and contribute to our understanding of why American public opinion has not turned in favor of redistribution during an era of rising income inequality.

How Courts Structure State-Level Representation

2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-60 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan P. Kastellec
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
Median Voter ◽  
State Level ◽  
The United States ◽  
Federal Courts ◽  
State Courts ◽  
Judicial Decisions ◽  
Structure State ◽  
The Relationship

I examine how courts condition the relationship between state-level public opinion and policy. The system of federalism in the United States allows federal and state courts to establish the types of policies that states are constitutionally allowed to implement. In particular, federal courts can set “federal floors” for policy, below which no states can go. State courts, in turn, can raise the level of this floor. Thus, both federal and state courts shape whether state policy can match the preferences of the median voter in a given state. Analyzing data on public opinion, judicial decisions, and state-level policy on the issue of abortion, from 1973 to 2012, I show that changes in the set of allowable abortion restrictions, according to the combined decisions of state and federal courts, significantly affect whether states implement majority-preferred policies. I also show that ignoring the influence of courts on the policymaking environment significantly affects the estimated level of policy congruence and thus conclusions about the scope of representation. These results demonstrate the importance of placing courts in the larger study of state-level representation.

Using complementary methods to test whether marriage limits men's antisocial behavior

2013 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-77 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sara R. Jaffee ◽  
Caitlin McPherran Lombardi ◽  
Rebekah Levine Coley
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Antisocial Behavior ◽  
Representative Sample ◽  
Fixed Effects ◽  
Negative Binomial ◽  
The United States ◽  
Complementary Methods ◽  
Married Men ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
The Relationship

AbstractMarried men engage in significantly less antisocial behavior than unmarried men, but it is not clear whether this reflects a causal relationship. Instead, the relationship could reflect selection into marriage whereby the men who are most likely to marry (men in steady employment with high levels of education) are the least likely to engage in antisocial behavior. The relationship could also be the result of reverse causation, whereby high levels of antisocial behavior are a deterrent to marriage rather than the reverse. Both of these alternative processes are consistent with the possibility that some men have a genetically based proclivity to become married, known as an active genotype–environment correlation. Using four complementary methods, we tested the hypothesis that marriage limits men's antisocial behavior. These approaches have different strengths and weaknesses and collectively help to rule out alternative explanations, including active genotype–environment correlations, for a causal association between marriage and men's antisocial behavior. Data were drawn from the in-home interview sample of the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health, a large, longitudinal survey study of a nationally representative sample of adolescents in the United States. Lagged negative binomial and logistic regression and propensity score matching models (n = 2,250), fixed-effects models of within-individual change (n = 3,061), and random-effects models of sibling differences (n = 618) all showed that married men engaged in significantly less antisocial behavior than unmarried men. Our findings replicate results from other quasiexperimental studies of marriage and men's antisocial behavior and extend the results to a nationally representative sample of young adults in the United States.

Health Care Use and Outcomes in Assisted Living Communities: Race, Ethnicity, and Dual Eligibility

2021 ◽  
pp. 107755872110501
Author(s):  
Helena Temkin-Greener ◽  
Yunjiao Mao ◽  
Brian McGarry ◽  
Sheryl Zimmerman ◽  
Yue Li
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Assisted Living ◽  
Fixed Effects ◽  
The United States ◽  
Health Care Use ◽  
Fee For Service ◽  
Term Care ◽  
Race Ethnicity ◽  
Dual Eligibility ◽  
Racial Ethnic

Assisted Living (AL) has become an important residential long-term care option in the United States, yet very little is known about the nature and quality of care received in this setting by racial/ethnic minorities or residents dually eligible for Medicare and Medicaid. Using calendar year 2018 Medicare data, we identified 255,564 fee-for-service Medicare beneficiaries age 55+ who resided in 24,108 ALs across the United States. We fit several logistic regression models with individual-level covariates and AL-level fixed effects, to examine the association between race/ethnicity and dual status with inpatient hospital admission, 30-day readmission, emergency room use, and nursing home placement. Significant variations in these measures were found both within and across ALs for racial/ethnic minority and dual residents. Our results suggest that disparities in outcomes are most significant by dual eligibility status rather than by race/ethnicity alone. These findings provide important implications for providers, policy makers, and researchers.

scholarly journals Differences in Obesity Among Men of Diverse Racial and Ethnic Background

2015 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 984-989 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah E. Hill ◽  
Caryn Bell ◽  
Janice V. Bowie ◽  
Elizabeth Kelley ◽  
Debra Furr-Holden ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Mexican American ◽  
Ethnic Disparities ◽  
Risk Groups ◽  
The United States ◽  
Obesity Prevalence ◽  
Hispanic Men ◽  
Interview Survey ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Racial Ethnic

Racial/ethnic disparities exist in obesity prevalence among men, with Hispanic men exhibiting the highest prevalence compared with non-Hispanic White and non-Hispanic Black men. Most studies do not parse out Hispanic groups; therefore, it is unclear whether the increases in obesity rates among Hispanic men applies to all groups or if there are particular groups of Hispanic men that are driving the increase. The goal of this study is to examine the variations in obesity among men of diverse racial/ethnic backgrounds and determine if obesity is affected by nativity. The data used in this study were from 11 years (2002-2012) of the National Health Interview Survey. Logistic regression was used to examine the relationship between race/ethnicity, obesity, and nativity. After adjusting for covariates, there are differences in obesity prevalence, with the largest prevalence among Puerto Rican men and Mexican American men. Consistent with previous literature, it has been suggested that men born in the United States are more likely to be obese than men born outside the United States. This study underscores the importance of distinguishing Hispanic groups when examining obesity, and provides information for future, targeted intervention strategies related to obesity among high-risk groups.

scholarly journals Linking Social Vulnerability and Adverse Birth Outcomes in the Southeast United States

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hoda Fotovvat ◽  
Christopher T. Emrich
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Birth Weight ◽  
Low Birth Weight ◽  
Birth Outcomes ◽  
Social Vulnerability ◽  
National Average ◽  
Adverse Birth Outcomes ◽  
House Values ◽  
Vulnerability Indicators ◽  
The Relationship

Abstract Background This study aims to explore the relationship between social vulnerability (SoVI)indicators (race/ethnicity, population structure, socioeconomic status, housing structure, and access/functional needs) with low birth weight (LBW) and preterm delivery (PTD) rates across the Southeastern United States. Methods Annual low birth weight and premature birth rates for all counties were collected between 2000 and 2015. LBW and PTD were recoded into two categories below (0) and above (1) the annual national average for each year. Multinomial logistic regression (MLR) was employed to conduct regression analysis to investigate the relationship. Results Twenty-six and twenty-four different social vulnerability indicators were influential in predicting low birth weight rates and preterm delivery across the SE United States from 2005–2015, respectively. Racial and ethnic variables were among the most frequent influential social vulnerability indicators of low birth weights. Like race and ethnicity, counties with low and medium house values have a higher likelihood of low LBW compared to counties with higher house values. Unlike LBW, race and ethnic characteristics influence PTD rates across the study area in different ways. Whereas LBW rates are driven up in counties with low/medium Hispanic populations compared to high percentage counties, PTD is more strongly associated with Black communities. Further, population structure and socioeconomic status indicators provide the most robust indication of counties more likely to have higher PTD than the national average. Conclusion Influential variables point toward a dire need to comprehensively understand the links between social vulnerability and LBW and PTD. Moving toward a comprehensive view of social vulnerability borne out of the hazards literature provides a more robust understanding of the drivers of adverse birth outcomes that has rarely been addressed in the literature.

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