Vicarious Retribution: The Role of Collective Blame in Intergroup Aggression

2006 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 372-390 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brian Lickel ◽  
Norman Miller ◽  
Douglas M. Stenstrom ◽  
Thomas F. Denson ◽  
Toni Schmader
Keyword(s):  
Theoretical Framework ◽  
Intergroup Conflict ◽  
Intergroup Aggression ◽  
Reduction Strategies ◽  
Personal Consequences ◽  
Conflict Reduction ◽  
Ingroup Identification ◽  
New Framework ◽  
Original Event

We provide a new framework for understanding 1 aspect of aggressive conflict between groups, which we refer to as vicarious retribution. Vicarious retribution occurs when a member of a group commits an act of aggression toward the members of an outgroup for an assault or provocation that had no personal consequences for him or her but which did harm afellow ingroup member. Furthermore, retribution is often directed at outgroup members who, themselves, were not the direct causal agents in the original attack against the person's ingroup. Thus, retribution is vicarious in that neither the agent of retaliation nor the target of retribution were directly involved in the original event that precipitated the intergroup conflict. We describe how ingroup identification, outgroup entitativity, and other variables, such as group power, influence vicarious retribution. We conclude by considering a variety of conflict reduction strategies in light of this new theoretical framework.

scholarly journals Support for Conciliatory Policies in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict: The Role of Different Modes of Identification and Territorial Ownership Perceptions

2022 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nora Storz ◽  
Borja Martinović ◽  
Nimrod Rosler
Keyword(s):  
Conflict Resolution ◽  
Relevant Dimension ◽  
Intergroup Conflict ◽  
Conflict Settings ◽  
Ingroup Identification ◽  
People’S Attitudes

Understanding people’s attitudes toward conciliatory policies in territorial interethnic conflicts is important for a peaceful conflict resolution. We argue that ingroup identification in combination with the largely understudied territorial ownership perceptions can help us explain attitudes toward conciliatory policies. We consider two different aspects of ingroup identification—attachment to one’s ethnic ingroup as well as ingroup superiority. Furthermore, we suggest that perceptions of ingroup and outgroup ownership of the territory can serve as important mechanisms that link the different forms of ingroup identification with conciliatory policies. In the context of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, among Israeli Jews (N = 1,268), we found that ingroup superiority, but not attachment, was negatively related to conciliatory policies. This relationship was explained by lower outgroup (but not by higher ingroup) ownership perceptions of the territory. Our findings highlight the relevance of studying ingroup superiority as a particularly relevant dimension of identification that represents a barrier to acknowledging outgroup’s territorial ownership, and is thus indirectly related to less support for conciliatory policies in intergroup conflict settings.

Superordinate Categorization as a Moderator of Mutual Infrahumanization

2009 ◽  
Vol 12 (6) ◽  
pp. 731-746 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ruth Gaunt
Keyword(s):  
Intergroup Conflict ◽  
Superordinate Category ◽  
Identity Model ◽  
The Common ◽  
Common Ingroup Identity Model ◽  
Ingroup Identification ◽  
Common Ingroup Identity ◽  
Ingroup Identity ◽  
Moderating Role

This research applies the Common Ingroup Identity Model (Gaertner & Dovidio, 2000) to explore the moderating role of superordinate categorization in infrahumanization. Two studies were conducted within the context of an inter-racial intergroup conflict. As hypothesized, perceived outgroup identification with the superordinate category (Study 1) or identification with the superordinate category (Study 2) was related to a weaker tendency to infrahumanize the outgroup by attributing it a lesser degree of secondary emotions. In addition, weak ingroup identification eliminated infrahumanization in Study 2. The implications of these findings for infrahumanization research are discussed.

Cognitive busyness and impression formation: The moderating role of ingroup identification

2004 ◽  
Author(s):  
Natalie Hall ◽  
Richard Crisp ◽  
Ifat Rauf ◽  
Terry Eskenazi-Behar ◽  
Russell Hutter ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Impression Formation ◽  
Cognitive Busyness ◽  
Ingroup Identification ◽  
Moderating Role

Toward a Theoretical Framework of Corporate Social Irresponsibility: Clarifying the Gray Zones Between Responsibility and Irresponsibility

2021 ◽  
pp. 000765032110159
Author(s):  
Cynthia E. Clark ◽  
Marta Riera ◽  
María Iborra
Keyword(s):  
Corporate Social Responsibility ◽  
Social Responsibility ◽  
Theoretical Framework ◽  
Conceptual Clarity ◽  
Corporate Social Irresponsibility ◽  
Corporate Social

In this conceptual article, we argue that defining corporate social responsibility (CSR) and corporate social irresponsibility (CSI) as opposite constructs produces a lack of clarity between responsible and irresponsible acts. Furthermore, we contend that the treatment of the CSR and CSI concepts as opposites de-emphasizes the value of CSI as a stand-alone construct. Thus, we reorient the CSI discussion to include multiple aspects that current conceptualizations have not adequately accommodated. We provide an in-depth exploration of how researchers define CSI and both identify and analyze three important gray zones between CSR and CSI: (a) the role of harm and benefit, (b) the role of the actor and intentionality, and (c) the role of rectification. We offer these gray zones as factors contributing to the present lack of conceptual clarity of the term CSI, as a concept in its own right, leading to difficulties that researchers and managers experience in categorizing CSI acts as distinct from CSR.

scholarly journals Negativity and Political Behavior: A Theoretical Framework for the Analysis of Negative Voting in Contemporary Democracies

2021 ◽  
pp. 147892992110001
Author(s):  
Diego Garzia ◽  
Frederico Ferreira da Silva
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Political Behavior ◽  
Voting Behavior ◽  
Theoretical Framework ◽  
Negative Attitudes ◽  
Affective Component ◽  
Parliamentary Systems ◽  
Recent Developments ◽  
Rational Component

Recent developments in Western societies have motivated a growing consideration of the role of negativity in public opinion and political behavior research. In this article, we review the scant (and largely disconnected) scientific literature on negativity and political behavior, merging contributions from social psychology, public opinion, and electoral research, with a view on developing an integrated theoretical framework for the study of negative voting in contemporary democracies. We highlight that the tendency toward negative voting is driven by three partly overlapping components, namely, (1) an instrumental–rational component characterized by retrospective performance evaluations and rationalization mechanisms, (2) an ideological component grounded on long-lasting political identities, and (3) an affective component, motivated by (negative) attitudes toward parties and candidates. By blueprinting the systematic relationships between negative voting and each of these components in turn, and suggesting multiple research paths, this article aims to stimulate future studies on negative voting in multi-party parliamentary systems to motivate a better understanding of the implications of negativity in voting behavior in contemporary democracies.

Harm Reduction Strategies and Drug-Related Negative Consequences in the Dance Music Scene: The Moderating Role of Polysubstance Use

2021 ◽  
Vol 56 (6) ◽  
pp. 777-781
Author(s):  
Belén del Valle Vera ◽  
José Carmona-Marquez ◽  
Claudio Vidal-Giné ◽  
Fermín Fernández-Calderón
Keyword(s):  
Harm Reduction ◽  
Dance Music ◽  
Negative Consequences ◽  
Polysubstance Use ◽  
Music Scene ◽  
Reduction Strategies ◽  
Moderating Role

Willingness to cooperate with police: A population-based study of Australian young adult illicit stimulant users

2016 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 301-318 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ellen M Leslie ◽  
Adrian Cherney ◽  
Andrew Smirnov ◽  
Helene Wells ◽  
Robert Kemp ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Young Adult ◽  
Procedural Justice ◽  
Drug Users ◽  
Illicit Drug ◽  
Population Based ◽  
Police Legitimacy ◽  
Population Based Study ◽  
Reduction Strategies ◽  
Willingness To Cooperate

While procedural justice has been highlighted as a key strategy for promoting cooperation with police, little is known about this model’s applicability to subgroups engaged in illegal behaviour, such as illicit drug users. This study compares willingness to cooperate with police and belief in police legitimacy, procedural justice and law legitimacy among a population-based sample of Australian young adult amphetamine-type stimulant (ATS; i.e. ecstasy and methamphetamine) users and non-users. We then examine predictors of willingness to cooperate among ATS users. ATS users were significantly less willing to cooperate with police and had significantly lower perceptions of police legitimacy, procedural justice and law legitimacy, compared to non-users. However, belief in police legitimacy independently predicted willingness to cooperate among ATS users. We set out to discuss the implications of these findings for policing, including the role of procedural justice in helping police deliver harm reduction strategies.

Brothers or others in arms? Civilian constituencies and rebel fragmentation in civil war

2017 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 62-77 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eric S Mosinger
Keyword(s):  
Social Networks ◽  
Regression Analysis ◽  
Collective Action ◽  
Diffusion Model ◽  
Theoretical Framework ◽  
Quantitative Evidence ◽  
Rebel Groups ◽  
Two Factors ◽  
Cross National

Why do united rebel fronts emerge in some insurgencies, while in other insurgencies multiple rebel groups mobilize independently to challenge the state, and often, each other? I develop a diffusion model of rebel fragmentation in which participation in rebellion spreads, completely or incompletely, through networks of civilians and dissidents. Using this theoretical framework I hypothesize that two factors jointly determine whether a rebel movement remains unified or fragments: the rebels’ investment in civilian mobilization, and the overall level of civilian grievances. The theory predicts that widely shared grievances motivate the formation of many small dissident groups willing to challenge the regime. Given the difficulty of collective action between disparate opposition actors, an emerging rebel movement will tend towards fragmentation when popular grievances are high. Yet extremely high civilian grievances can also help rebels activate broad, overlapping civilian social networks that serve to bridge together dissident groups. Mass-mobilizing rebel groups, benefiting from the participation of broad civilian networks, are most likely to forge and maintain a unified rebel front. I test this theory alongside several alternatives drawn from cross-national studies of conflict using regression analysis. The quantitative evidence lends considerable credence to the role of rebel constituencies in preventing or fomenting rebel fragmentation.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document